November 26, 2008Gazans Resist by SurvivingRamzi Kysia - Gazans Resist by SurvivingBy Guest Post • Nov 21st, 2008 at 22:41 • Category: Analysis, Counter-terrorism, No thanks!, Culture and Heritage, Features, Israel, Newswire, Palestine, Resistance, Somoud: Arab Voices of Resistance“I will send fire upon the walls of Gaza…” — Amos 1:7
SOURCE: http://jnoubiyeh.blogspot.com/2008/11/gazans-resist-by-surviving.html Related Groups:
Free Palestine
Posted on 11/26/2008 7:19 AM Comments (0)
Gaza's hospitals struggle to save lives amid Israeli siegeGaza's hospitals struggle to save lives amid Israeli siege
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21 November 2008
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:: Article nr. 48957 sent on 22-nov-2008 04:59 ECT
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Link: electronicintifada.net/v2/article9984.shtml
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Israel continues starvation of Gazans
Israel continues starvation of Gazans despite UN pleas
Irish Sun
Friday 21st November, 2008 |
:: Article nr. 48972 sent on 23-nov-2008 03:43 ECT
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Link: story.irishsun.com/index.php/ct/9/cid/2411cd3571b4f088/id/433138/cs/1/
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November 22, 2008
A Quote By Salvador Allende (Chilean Politician)

Autore - Salvador Allende
| Spanish | ser joven y no ser revolucionario es una contradicción hasta biológica | |
| English | being young and not revolutionary is even a biological contradiction | |
| Italian | essere giovane e non essere rivoluzionario è una contraddizione perfino biologica | |
| French | être jeune et ne pas être revolutionnaire, est une contradiction même biologique | |
| German | jung zu sein und nicht revolutionär ist sogar biologisch ein Widerspruch | |
| Russian | быть молодым и не быть революционером - в этом есть даже биологическое противоречие | |
| Arabic | شاب وليس ثوري، هو تناقض حيوي | |
| Chinese | 年轻但不创新也是一种生物学矛盾 | |
| Afrikaans | om jonk te wees en nie revolusionêr nie, is selfs 'n biologiese teenstrydigheid | |
| Albanian | të jesh i ri dhe të mos jesh revolucionar, është një kontradiktë edhe biologjike | |
| Aragones | estar choben y no estar reboluzionario ye una contraudizión dica biolochica | |
| Basque | gazte izanda iraultzaile ez izatea kontraesan biologikoa ere bada | |
| Bolognese | èser Zåuven e an èser brîSa rivoluzionèri l é una contradiziån pr infén biològica | |
| Brazilian Portuguese | ser jovem e não ser revolucionário chega a ser uma contradição biológica | |
| Bresciano | eser zuegn e eser mja rivolusionare l'è 'na cuntradisiù biologica | |
| Breton | bezañ yaouank hep bezañ dispac'her a zislavar memes ar vevoniezh | |
| Calabrese | essi giuvani e nun essi rivuluzziunariu è 'na contraddizziuni pirfinu biologica | |
| Catalan | ser jove i no ser revolucionari és una contradicció fins i tot biològica | |
| Catanese | jèssiri carusu je non vuliri fari a rivoluzzioni jè na contradizzioni ra´natura | |
| Corsican | esse giovanu e micca rivoluzionariu è una cuntradizzione quasgi biologica | |
| Cosentino | essa giuvane i unn'essa rivoluzzionariu è na contraddizzione addirittura biologgica | |
| Croatian | biti mlad, a ne biti revolucionar, to je čak i biološki proturječno | |
| Czech | být mladý a nebýt revolucionář je protiklad i biologický | |
| Danish | at være ung og ikke at være revolutionær er en biologisk selvmodsigelse | |
| Dutch | jong te zijn en niet revolutionair is zelfs tegenspraak in biologische zin | |
| Dzoratâi | ître dzouveno et pas ître rèvoluchonéro, l’è onna contradicchon de la vià | |
| Esperanto | esti juna kaj ne esti revolucia estas eĉ biologia kontraŭdiro | |
| Estonian | see, et keegi võiks olla noora, aga mitte mässumeelne, on vastuoluline isegi bioloogia seisukohast | |
| Furlan | jessi zovin e no jessi rivoluzionari jè une contradizion parfin biologjiche | |
| Galician | ser novo e non ser revolucionario é unha contradición mesmo biolóxica | |
| Greek | το να είσαι νέος αλλά να μην επαναστατείς είναι ως και βιολογική αντίφαση | |
| Griko Salentino | na ise paddhikàri ce na nin ise rivoluzionario ene mian anapotìa biologica | |
| Hebrew | להיות צעיר ולא להיות מהפכני, זאת סתירה ביולוגית | |
| Hungarian | fiatalnak és nem forradalmárnak lenni egyenesen biológiai ellentmondás | |
| Icelandic | að vera ungur og ekki uppreisnargjarn, það er líffræðileg mótsögn | |
| Judeo-Spanish | ser djoven i no ser revolusionario es una kontradiksion kaji biolojika | |
| Korean | 젊은데 혁명적이지 못한 것은 심지어 생물학적으로 보아도 모순이다 | |
| Kurdish Kurmanji | xort bûn û shorishger nebûn tenanet nakokîyek bîyolojî ye | |
| Kurdish Sorani | genc bûn u shorrishgêrr nebûn tenanet nakokîyekî bîyolojî ye | |
| Latin | iuvenem esse nec res novas cupere contradictio quae etiam ad animantium vitam pertinet est | |
| Latvian | būt jaunam un nerevolucionāram – tā pat ir bioloģiska pretruna | |
| Leonese | sere mozu y nun sere revolucionariu ye un escontrasintíu fasta biolóxicu | |
| Mantuan | esar giòan e mia rivolusionari l’è na contradision adritura dla natura | |
| Mudnés | êser zôven e n'êser mènga rivoluzionâri l'è 'na contradiziòun adiritûra biològica | |
| Napulitano | essere giòvene e nun essere revoluzzionario è na cuntraddizzione purzì biologgeca | |
| Paduan | essare giovani e no essare rivolussionari xé na contradission parfino fisioeogica | |
| Papiamentu | ser hóben i no revolushonario ta un kontradikshon asta biológiko | |
| Persian | جوان بودن و فاقد روح انقلابی بودن خود یک تناقض در طبیعت آدمی است | |
| Polish | być młodym i nie być rewolucjonistą jest nawet sprzecznością biologiczną | |
| Portuguese | ser jovem e não ser revolucionário é uma contradição até biológica | |
| Romanian | să fii tânăr şi să nu fii revoluţionar este o contradicţie chiar biologică | |
| Serbian | бити млад а не бити револуционар то је чак биолошка контрадикција | |
| Slovak | byť mladý a nebyť revolucionár, je takmer v biologickom protiklade | |
| Swahili | kuwa mjana na kutokuwa mwanapinduzi ni mkingamo wa kibiolojia | |
| Swedish | att var ung och icke vara revolutionär är en biologisk motsägelse | |
| Traditional Chinese | 年輕但不創新也是一種生物學矛盾 | |
| Triestino | esser giovini e no esser rivoluzionari xe una contradizion perfin biologica | |
| Turkish | genç olmak ve devrimci olmamak, bu biyolojik açıdan bile çelişkilidir | |
| Venetian | èser zxóveno e no revołuzsionario ła xe parfin na contradizsion biołògica | |
| Vietnamese | tre ma khong phai la nha cach mang thi la mot su mau thuan ngay ca ve mat sinh hoc | |
| Welsh | mae bod yn ifanc heb fod yn chwyldröwr hyd yn oed yn anghyson â bywydeg | |
| Zeneize | ëse zoeno e no ëse revoluçionäio a l'é 'na contradiçion finn-a biològica |
November 20, 2008
Video: Gaza humanitarian crisis (WATCH IT!!! WATCH IT!!! WATCH IT!!!)
Video: Gaza humanitarian crisis
AlJazeeraEnglish
:: Article nr. 48783 sent on 16-nov-2008 00:25 ECT
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Gaza: a Dire Life Zone Still Clings to Hope
Sameh Habeeb - Gaza: a Dire Life Zone Still Clings to Hope
By Sameh A. Habeeb • Nov 20th, 2008 at 13:03 • Category: Children's Corner, Interviews, Israel, Newswire, Palestine, Resistance, Somoud: Arab Voices of Resistance, War, Zionism
Following Israeli raids that killed around 15 Palestinians within one week, many rockets were fired into Israel in a reprisal of Israeli’s provocation. As usual Israel started to blame Palestinians despite it was the one who initiated with violence again. The Israeli assault was an obvious breach of an agreed calm held with Palestinian fighting groups 5 months ago. It has provoked some Palestinians to fire some light rockets into Israel. Afterwards, Israel started a new phase of collective punishment and began more violent prevocational measures against 1.5 million people.
With the last Israeli maneuvers’ of tightening the siege imposed on Gaza, more life necessities vanished. The key power plant shut down 8 days ago and resulted in tremendous direful outcomes. More than 75% of the Gaza strip faces severe power cuts and some other areas completely plunged into darkness.
Power cuts and daily blackouts resulted in hindering of all facilities depending on power. The remaining power shares provided by Israel and Egypt are not enough to cover the whole costal strip. Pumped fresh water is not reaching all living places, farms and central water wells. Sewage and treatment water machines are halted. Additionally around 40 million tons of sewage water leaked into the Mediterranean contaminating it and damaging fish resources.
It was a due on Israel to open commercial crossings completely during the calm. But, Israel didn’t abide by that condition as she partially opened them. But within the last week; Israel totally closed them causing a huge humanitarian crisis. According to UNRWA, around 750,000 of its beneficiaries don’t get their devoted share of food parcels. With the Israeli ban on UNRWA aid, it is ensuring that a dire humanitarian crisis will occur within days. As UNRWA is also under siege from assisting Palestine in humanitarian causes, long time projects such as housing are halted to the loss of $350 million.
Yesterday, wheat and flour mills in Gaza announced inability of continuing work and feared starvation would be a factor in Palestine if the closure lasts much longer. Today, some hospitals partially stopped working due to power cuts and medical shortages. Tomorrow for sure will bring another crisis if closure lasts more.
The people of Gaza are outraged by the Israeli collective punishment. I spoke to some Gazan residents and I observed some differences amongst them. Mr. Muhammad who refuses to identity his full name said that this siege is unjust and it’s a way to pressure on people to give up their rights.
“We have been patient for 60 years now. We passed more cruel time than this. Thus, why to give up this year. We have to be adamant and patient and the siege will be lifted eventually.” Mr. Muhammad said.
I spoke to a jobless resident from Al Shati’ refugee camp. Mr. Khalil Barakat, who is in his mid 50’s, says he is outraged by this siege. “I’m fed up; bored I feel we are caged like animals in Gaza. If I could get a chance to immigrate to live my remaining years in peace, then I would love to.” He said with anger.
Accidentally, I met old friend of mine, Um Muhammad Abu Ouf; a mother in her twenties. It was good for me to explore her views about the siege as well. As a Mother and a female, her perspective is most important. We met at 6 pm at AL Omar al Moktar Street which was plunging into deep darkness.
She had her outstanding comments about siege. I asked: How badly you are affected by siege?
“Well, the siege became a daily nightmare midday and night. Electricity cuts off and that frightens my 11-month infant. It makes conditions unsafe for him. Further, I’m trying to get some fortified food for him. I went to many stores and shops but in vain. I could not find any food nor needed supplies for my son as there is a shortage in a lot of the basic products needed to care for infants’ such as milk, diapers and so forth”.
I spoke to Hatem Shurab; an International Relief Worker. Hatem is a siege victim who lost a scholarship of training in the U.S lately. Despite that, he seemed to be optimist in contrary to the majority here. Hatem is currently preparing a music concert along with his friends.
His view was quite interesting and brand-new, Hatem stated “I’m trying to highlight on people’s suffering through music. We try to end siege through our voices and to tell those who don’t like to watch news what’s going on. On the 27th of November they might know the suffering of Gazans through songs as we are doing a concert. Regardless of pain, we will sing for Gaza.” Hatem with smiling face said.
However, Hatem is somewhat worried about the current status of Gaza. He needs to have his concert on time and to give Gazan a glimpse of hope and some fun. His concerns rise up that more violence could ignite.
Israeli defense Ministry announced today that Gaza crossings would remain closed until further notice. Gazans are to expect more mayhem as time advances. Meanwhile, Om Muhammad is still desperate to have food for her baby, while Hatem is determined to have his music concert on time. But the decisive element for them would surely rely on the rival parts in the region.
UN human rights chief calls for end to Israeli blockade of Gaza Strip
UN human rights chief calls for end to Israeli blockade of Gaza Strip
UN News Centre
November 18, 2008
"By function of this blockade, 1.5 million Palestinian men, women and
children have been forcibly deprived of their most basic human rights
for months," said Navi Pillay, the UN High Commissioner for Human
Rights. "This is in direct contravention of international human rights
and humanitarian law. It must end now," she said.
Ms. Pillay called on the Israeli authorities to facilitate the urgent
passage of essential humanitarian goods into Gaza, including food,
medical supplies and fuel, to allow the immediate restoration of
electricity, water and other essential services, and to lift
restrictions on the movement of civilians for medical, educational and
religious purposes.
"Decisive steps must be taken to preserve the dignity and basic welfare
of the civilian population, more than half of which are children," she
said.
Ms. Pillay welcomed the decision by Israel to allow a limited number of
trucks to enter Gaza on 17 November, but recalled its obligation to
refrain from all measures that contravene international law.
"Only a full lifting of the blockade followed by a strong humanitarian
response will be adequate to relieve the massive humanitarian suffering
evident in Gaza today," she said.
The High Commissioner also appealed for a complete cessation of Israeli
air strikes and incursions, and of rocket fire by Palestinian groups.
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon telephoned Israeli Prime Minister Ehud
Olmert today to express his deep concern over the consequences of the
deteriorating humanitarian situation inside Gaza.
Mr. Ban strongly urged Mr. Olmert to facilitate the freer movement of humanitarian supplies and needed UN personnel into Gaza.
The Israeli leader denounced the continuing rocket fire into Israeli
from Gaza, but agreed to look seriously into the matter raised by Mr.
Ban, according to a read-out of the telephone call.
Also today, the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in
the Near East (UNRWA) drew attention to what it called "unprecedented
levels of hardship" in Gaza. It said mothers were being turned away
from UNRWA food centres without powdered milk for their babies, while
the agency had been unable to get supplies in, even for blind children.
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:: Article nr. 48875 sent on 19-nov-2008 07:44 ECT
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Link: www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=28983&Cr=palestin&Cr1
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URGENT: Kidnapped by the Israeli Navy
URGENT: Kidnapped by the Israeli Navy
FreeGaza.org
ISM Press Release For Immediate Release: Gaza City, 10 a.m.- Fourteen Palestinian fishermen and 3 international Human Rights Observers (HRO’s) were surrounded by the Israeli Navy and taken from their boats 7 miles off the coast of Deir al Balah, Gaza Strip. The fishermen and the HRO’s were transferred from 3 separate boats to the Israeli warships. Other Palestinian fishermen reported that the 3 boats were seen being taken north by the Israeli Navy. The Human Rights Observers are Andrew Muncie, a Scottish British citizen, Vittorio Arrigoni, an Italian citizen, and Darlene Wallach, an American citizen. They have been volunteering with the International Solidarity Movement (ISM) since they entered Gaza on ships with the first Free Gaza Movement voyage on the 23rd August 2008. All internationals have previous experience working with the ISM in the West Bank. Fellow activists have been unable to establish contact with the HRO’s or with the fishermen since they were abducted. Since their arrival, the ISM volunteers have been regularly accompanying Palestinian fishermen who are regularly attacked by Israeli navy vessels from as little as 3km from shore. They have regularly filmed Israeli forces using live ammunition, shells and water cannons against unarmed fishermen. For videos from these attacks please contact palreports@gmail.com or the ISM Media Office - 02-2971824 For more information please contact: Fida (Gaza - Arabic) – 0599681669 Jenny (Gaza - English) - 059 876 5377 ISM Media Office - 02-297-1824 or ISM contacts in the Gaza Strip When confronted by the Israeli Navy, the boats were 7 nautical miles from the shore of Deir al Balah, well within the fishing limit detailed in the Oslo Accords of 1994. With regular claims that from the Israeli government that it has 'disengaged’ from Gaza, these patrols and attacks from the Israeli navy, regularly occuring from as little as 3 miles from shore, represent a clear signal of the continuation of occupation of Gazan territory as well as regular breaches of the current cease-fire. Over 40,000 people in Gaza make a living from the fishing industry, yet this community has been decimated by Israeli restrictions on fishing rights and the prevention of fuel from reaching the Gaza Strip. According to the Fishing Syndicate in Gaza, fishermen need 40,000 litres of fuel and 40,000 litres of natural gas each day to operate throughout the high fishing season. Starting in April each year, there is a migration of fish from the Nile Delta to Turkish waters which Palestinian fishermen have traditionally relied upon. Yet Israel limits fishing 6 miles from the Gaza shore and regularly attacks those who venture further than 3 miles - over 70 fishermen were arrested last year by the Israeli forces. The large schools that form the migration are usually found 10 miles from shore. The average catch of fish was over 3000 tons a year in the 1990’s, now it is around 500 tons directly due to the Israeli siege of Gaza. Not only this, but the brutal effects of the siege, the water in which the fishermen of Gaza sail in is now receiving 50 million litres of sewage per day because the people of Gaza have no alternative. |
:: Article nr. 48866 sent on 19-nov-2008 03:59 ECT
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Link: www.freegaza.org/index.php?module=latest_news&id=4d92d543e1df1993c483757482ee383
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Israeli military invades Rafah city in southern Gaza
Israeli military invades Rafah city in southern Gaza
Rami Almeghari - IMEMC
:: Article nr. 48865 sent on 19-nov-2008 03:57 ECT
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Link: www.imemc.org/article/57702
November 19, 2008
Caught In Bed With Evil - By Gilad Atzmon
Gilad Atzmon - Caught in Bed with Evil
By Gilad Atzmon • Nov 18th, 2008 at 16:18 • Category: Analysis, Biography, Gilad Atzmon, Gilad's Choice, Israel, Newswire, Opinions and Letters, Our Authors, Palestine, War, Zionism
Crossing
points into Gaza have been shut down for almost two weeks, forcing the
only power plant there to stop functioning, due to the lack of fuel.
Last week, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency ran out of food
and stopped rations’ deliveries to 750,000 residents of Gaza.
Though the humanitarian crisis in Gaza is now immanent, Western media refrains from reporting about the emerging disaster. Apparently, there are far more interesting things to write about, much more interesting than millions of Palestinians who are being starved by the Jewish state.
However the press was kind enough to report that British foreign minister David Miliband spent some time in Israel this week. He had been very concerned with issues concerning the Avocado and other ethical grocery matters. He wanted to propose a clearer method of labeling food products that are sourced in the occupied west bank and sold to consumers in Britain. This could as well be an opportunity for Britain and the EU to restrain Israel’s lethal enthusiasm, but Miliband failed short, far too short. At the end of the day, Miliband is what you may call a grocery humanist. His ethical thinking is orientated around nutrition and ethical digestion. This is apparently the most deteriorated and probably the lowest form of left thinking. At least I really want to believe that left cannot go any lower than that.
Yet,
Miliband is a dynamic person. Due to the escalation of violence in the
region, he visited Sderot, accompanied by Israeli defense minister
Barak. Bluntly he supported the Israeli criminal policies by saying
“Israel should, above all, seek to protect its own citizens,” as if
this is not enough, he continued, “I’m here today because Sderot has
become the front line of Israel’s security. It’s very important that
countries like mine and others show solidarity with the people of
Sderot and that’s what I’m doing today.” Ostensibly, Miliband didn’t
visit Gaza. He also didn’t mention that countries like his should show
‘solidarity’ with millions of dispossessed Palestinian refugees that
are now shelled and starved to submission. Though Miliband sincerely
cares about Avocados and ethical nutrition, millions of Palestinians
who are left to eat sand do not seem to concern him at all.
However, Miliband couldn’t stay in the region for too long, as he has to rush back home. In London he is supposed to meet no less than the Israeli President Mr. Shimon Peres, the elder politician who was the pioneer of the Israeli Nuclear project. The man who introduced WMD to the middle east, the man who has more blood on his hands than any other living Israeli politician (except vegetable Sharon). Miliband should be in London in time so he can join President Peres and unveil a special plaque at the Foreign Office, honoring British diplomats who helped save Jews during the Holocaust.
I wonder how many British Diplomats will be honored for saving a single Palestinian kid within the current Israeli inflicted Holocaust? If there are any British politicians and diplomats, Clearly, Miliband would not be one of them. Reading what he had to say to the people of Sderot, he is no less than an enthusiastic supporter of the Israeli institutional crimes against humanity.
Meanwhile, President Peres is having a good time in London this week. In the framework of his visit, he will hold a round of meetings with the Queen, Crown Prince Charles, Prime Minister Gordon Brown, David Miliband; and the leader of the opposition, David Cameron.
He will be awarded a Knight Grand Cross, the sixth-most senior award in the British system, used to honor individuals who have rendered important services in relation to foreign nations. Seemingly, in Britain, killing innocent Lebanese civilians and starving millions in Gaza must be considered as an “important service”. In Belgium, on the other hand, a very similar activity is considered a crime against humanity.
President Peres will also receive an honorary degree from Kings College for his efforts “furthering peace in the Middle East”. I think that considering Peres’ usage of ballistic technology against innocent civilians, a PhD in physics may be more appropriate.
On the face of it, at the time the Jewish state is exercising the most devastating forms of crimes against humanity, the British Government, the British Parliament, the royal family and a major British academic institute are all caught together in bed with no less than a nuclear enthusiast butcher.
I am rather impressed. More than ever I am proud to be British. Such an embracing openness towards wickedness is probably the ultimate form of British kindness and forgiveness. This is something I have never seen in my homeland. Looking at Parliament, Miliband and the Royal family I must admit, I have much to learn about compassion before I become a genuine British subject.
See also: Sir Peres, Knight of the Body Bags on Auntie Ziona
November 18, 2008
A Quote By Rosa Luxemburg (German Female Politician)

Autore - Rosa Luxemburg
| German | Freiheit nur für die Anhänger der Regierung, nur für Mitglieder einer Partei - mögen sie noch so zahlreich sein - ist keine Freiheit. Freiheit ist immer nur Freiheit des anders Denkenden | |
| English | freedom for supporters of the government only, for members of a party only - no matter how big its membership may be - is no freedom at all. Freedom is always only freedom for the man who thinks differently about it | |
| Italian | la libertà solo per i seguaci del governo, solo per i membri di un partito - per numerosi che possano essere - non è libertà. La libertà è sempre unicamente libertà di chi la pensa diversamente | |
| Spanish | la libertad sólo para los seguidores del Gobierno, sólo para los miembros de un partido político, por numerosos que sean, no es libertad. Libertad es siempre la libertad de quien piensa de manera diferente | |
| French | la liberté seulement pour les partisans du gouvernement, seulement pour les membres d'un parti (quelle que soit sa dimension) n'est pas la liberté. La liberté est toujours uniquement la liberté de celui qui la pense différemment | |
| Russian | свобода только для тех, кто поддерживает правительство, свобода только для членов партии, независимо от величины партии -- это вовсе не свобода. Свобода только тогда есть свобода, когда она предоставлена тем, кто мыслит по-своему | |
| Afrikaans | vryheid slegs vir ondersteuners van die regering, slegs vir lede van ’n party – ongeag hoe groot sy ledetal – is geen vryheid hoegenaamd nie. Vryheid is altyd slegs vryheid vir diegene wat anders daaroor dink | |
| Aragones | a libertá nomás para os seguidors d'o Gubierno, nomás para os miembros de un partito pulitico, por muitos que sean, no ye libertá. Libertá ye perén a libertá de qui piensa de traza diferién | |
| Basque | askatasuna gobernuaren jarraitzaileentzat bakarrik, alderdi politiko bateko kideentzat bakarrik, nahiz eta oso ugariak izan, ez da askatasuna; beste era batean pentsatzen dutenen askatasuna da beti askatasun | |
| Bolognese | la libartè solamänt par quî chi téNnen pr al guêren, solamänt pr i iscrétt a un parté – par dimónndi ch’i séppen – la n é brîSa libartè. La libartè l’é sänper e solamänt libartè dla Zänt ch’i la pänsen difaränt | |
| Brazilian Portuguese | a liberdade apenas para os seguidores do Governo, apenas para os membros de um partido político, por muitos que sejam, não é liberdade. Liberdade é sempre apenas a liberdade de quem pensa de maneira diferente | |
| Breton | ar frankiz evit ar re a heuilh ar gouarnamant hepken, evit izili eus ur strollad hepken - ha n'eus forzh pegen bras e ve - n'eo ket ar frankiz. Ar frankiz dalc'hmat eo ar frankiz evit an den en meiz en un doare all | |
| Croatian | sloboda samo za one koji podupiru vladajuće, samo za pripadnike stranke - bez obzira koliko brojni bili - nije nikakva sloboda. Sloboda je uvijek samo sloboda onih koji misle drugačije | |
| Czech | svoboda pouze pro přívržence vlády, jen pro členy jedné strany - ať jich je sebevíc - není vůbec žádná svoboda. Svoboda je vždy jen svoboda těch, kteří mají jiný názor | |
| Danish | frihed, der kun gælder for tilhængere af regeringen, kun for medlemmer af et bestemt part - ligegyldigt hvor mange medlemmer det måtte have - er overhovedet ikke frihed. Frihed er altid kun frihed for den anderledestænkende | |
| Dutch | vrijheid alleen voor de aanhangers van het bewind, alleen voor partijleden – al zijn het er nog zoveel – is geen vrijheid, Vrijheid is altijd slechts vrijheid van de andersdenkende | |
| Dzoratâi | la libertâ rein que po stâosse que châivant lo governemeint, rein que po lè meimbro d'on parti, - quand bin mîmo sarant on mouî - l'è pas 1a libertâ. La libertâ l'è adî rein que la libertâ de stisse que moûse âotrameint | |
| Esperanto | libero nur por apoguloj de gubernio, nur por membroj de politika partio, eĉ se ili estas tre multnombraj, ne estas libero. Libero ĉiam estas la libero de tiu, kiu pensas malsame | |
| Galician | a liberdade só para os seguidores do goberno, só para os membros dun partido político non é liberdade. A liberdade é sempre liberdade de quen pensa de xeito diferente | |
| Greek | η ελευθερία μόνο για τους υποστηρικτές της κυβέρνησης, μόνο για τα μέλη ενός κόμματος - δεν έχει σχέση πόσο μεγάλης συμμετοχής - δεν είναι καθόλου ελευθερία. Η ελευθερία είναι πάντα μόνο ελευθερία για εκείνον που σκέφτεται διαφορετικά | |
| Hebrew | החופש של תומכי הממשלה, של חברי המפלגה – ולא משנה מה גודל מספר החברים – אינו חופש בכלל. החופש הינו תמיד חופש אך ורק לאדם החושב אחרת | |
| Hungarian | a csak a kormány híveinek, csak egy párt tagjainak a szabadsága - bármennyien legyenek is - nem szabadság. A szabadság csak annak az embernek jelent szabadságot, aki másként gondolkozik róla | |
| Judeo-Spanish | la libertad solo para los segidores del Governo, solo para los miembros de un partido politiko, kualke numerozos ke fueran,no es libertad.Libertad es siempre la libertad del ke pensa de otro modo | |
| Korean | 정부 지지자들만을 위한 자유, 당원만을 위한 자유--그 회원 자격이 얼마나 크던 간에--는 전혀 자유가 아니다. 자유는 언제나 이에 대해 다르게 생각하는 사람들을 위한 것만이 진정한 자유인 것이다 | |
| Latvian | brīvība tikai tiem, kas atbalsta valdību, tikai partijas biedriem – nav svarīgi, cik cilvēku sastāv šajā partijā – tā nav brīvība. Brīvībā vienmēr ir tikai brīvība cilvēkam, kurš par to domā citādi | |
| Leonese | la llibertá sólu pa los sigidores del goviernu,sólu pa los miembros d'un partíu, pur bien d'eillos que seyan, nun ye lliberta. La llibertá ye siempre sólu llibertá pa quien piensa diferente | |
| Mantuan | la libertà par quei ch’agh va ben an goeran, par quei ch’i è da cal partì, par tanti ch’i sia an l’è mia libertà. La libertà l’è senpar e sol libertà da chi ‘l la pensa in n’ altra manera | |
| Mudnés | la libertê sôl per quî chi stân al guêren, la libertê per quî d'ùn partî, ànch s'i ên dimàndi, an n'è mènga libertê. La libertê l'è sèimper e solamèint la libertê per chi a la pèinsa diversamèint | |
| Napulitano | 'a libbertà sulo p''e sequace r''o guverno, sulo p''e membre 'e nu partito - pe quanto nummeruse ca ponn'essere - nun è libbertà. 'A libbertà è sempe unnecamente libbertà 'e chi 'a penza avotramente | |
| Paduan | ea łibertà soeo par quei del guerno, par quei de un partito - seben che i sia tanti - no ea xe migaa łibartà. Ea łibartà xè sempre soeo ea łibartà par quei che i pensa diverso | |
| Papiamentu | libertat solamente pe siguidónan di e Gobièrnu, solamente pe miembronan di un partido polítiko - ounke nan ta hopi, no ta libertat | |
| Portuguese | a liberdade apenas para os seguidores do Governo, apenas para os membros de um partido político, por muitos que sejam, não é liberdade. Liberdade é sempre apenas a liberdade de quem pensa de maneira diferente | |
| Praiese | la libertà sulu pi li seguaci dillu governu,sulu pi li membri di nu partitu - puru si su tanti - nun è libertà.La libertà è sempi sulu libertà di cu la pensa diversamenti | |
| Romanian | libertate doar pentru cei ce ascultă de Guvern, doar pentru membrii partidului, nu este nicio libertate. Libertate este întotdeauna doar libertatea celui care gândește in mod diferit | |
| Serbian | слобода само за оне који подржавају власт, само за чланове партије - без обзира на то колико бројно то чланство било - није слобода уопште. Слобода је увек само слобода да се мисли друкчије | |
| Traditional Chinese | 只爲政府支持者、只爲政黨成員提供的自由,不論他的成員資格有多大,都根本沒有自由可言。自由永遠只屬於以不同的角度來思考自由的人 | |
| Venetian | ła łibartà soło par quei del governo, par quei de un partito - siben che i sia tanti - no ła xe mìa łibartà. Ła łibartà l'è senpre soło ła łibartà par quei che i pensa diverso | |
| Welsh | nid rhyddid o fath yn byd yw rhyddid i gefnogwyr y llywodraeth yn unig, i aelodau o un blaid yn unig - ni waeth pa mor fawr ydyw. Rhyddid bob amser yw rhyddid i'r dyn sy'n ei ddirnad mewn ffordd wahanol | |
| Zeneize | a libertæ solo pe chi sostegne un goerno, a libertæ de chi appartegne à 'n partïo, a no l'é libertæ. A libertæ a l'é de longo solo a libertæ de chi a pensa à unn'ätra mainëa |
November 13, 2008
Media blackout?
Media blackout? International journalists report being barred from entering, exiting Gaza
Ma'an news
:: Article nr. 48697 sent on 12-nov-2008 08:55 ECT
www.uruknet.info?p=48697
Link: www.maannews.net/en/index.php?opr=ShowDetails&ID=33158
:: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Uruknet .
November 12, 2008
Gazans plunged into darkness
Gazans plunged into darkness
Sherine Tadros, Al Jazeera
November 10, 2008 |
:: Article nr. 48658 sent on 11-nov-2008 00:04 ECT
www.uruknet.info?p=48658
Link: english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2008/11/20081110144158482216.html
:: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Uruknet .
Israeli soldier beats Palestinian laborers with rock; three in hospital with multiple fractures
Israeli soldier beats Palestinian laborers with rock; three in hospital with multiple fractures
Ma'an news
November 10, 2008
Nablus – Ma’an report – Three workers from the southern Nablus governorate were beaten with stones by Israeli soldiers on Monday.
The men were taken to hospital where medical staff confirmed that several bones had been snapped.
When speaking of the incident Palestinian sources recalled the Israeli policy of the first Intifadah. During the late 1980s Israeli soldiers were outfitted with truncheons and encouraged to break the bones of Palestinians participating in protests.
The workers were identified as 20-year-old Mohammad Qawariq from Awarta and 20-year-old Mousa Barham from Beita in addition to another man from Qabalan who asked to remain anonymous for fear that Israeli authorities would take measures against him.
According to the men a group of Israeli soldiers confiscated their identity cards as the men headed towards work in Israel early Monday morning. The men are laborers and were en route to work via the Nil’in checkpoint north of Ramallah.
An eyewitness said that the men encountered the soldiers, who "stopped them with their rifles."
"Then the Israeli soldiers asked the workers to say "we are not men" and when they refused to, they began beating them with the rifle butts," the eyewitness continued. He described one soldier picking up a large stone and turning back to the workers, and striking them with the rock repeatedly. The witness said he believed the soldier was trying specifically to break the bones of the workers.
Three were transferred to Sheikh Zaid hospital in Ramallah where they were treated for multiple bone fractures. Medical sources described their conditions as medium to serious.
November 11, 2008
A Quote By Fernando Magellano

Autore - Ferdinando Magellano
| Portuguese | a Igreja diz que a Terra é achatada, mas sei que ela é redonda, porque vi a sombra na Lua, e tenho mais fé numa sombra do que na igreja | |
| English | the Church says that the Earth is flat, but I know that it is round. For I have seen the shadow on the moon and I have more faith in a shadow than in the Church | |
| Italian | la Chiesa dice che la Terra è piatta, ma io so che è rotonda, perché ne ho visto l'ombra sulla Luna, ed ho più fiducia in un'ombra che nella Chiesa | |
| Spanish | la Iglesia dice que la Tierra es plana, pero yo sé que es redonda porque he visto su sombra sobre la Luna, y tengo más confianza en una sombra que en la Iglesia | |
| French | l’Église dit que la Terre est plate, mais moi, je sais qu’elle est ronde, parce que j’ai vu son ombre sur la lune, et j’ai plus foi en l’ombre qu’en l’Église | |
| German | die Kirche behauptet, die Erde sei flach. Da ich den Schatten, den sie auf den Mond wirft, gesehen habe, weiß ich aber, dass sie rund ist. Denn Schatten vertraue ich mehr als der Kirche | |
| Arabic | الكنيسة تقول بأن الأرض مسطحة، ولكنني أعرف بأنها مستديرة لأنني رأيت ظلها على القمر، وأنا أثق بالظل أكثر من الكنيسة | |
| Chinese | 教会说地球是平的,但我知道地球是圆的,因为我看过月亮的影子,我相信影子比教会多些 | |
| Afrikaans | die Kerk sê dat die aarde plat is, maar ek weet dis rond, want ek het die skaduwee op die maan gesien en ek het meer geloof in die skadu as in die kerk | |
| Basque | Elizak dio lurra laua dela, baina, nik badakit biribila dela, ilargian egiten duen itzala ikusi baitut; eta konfiantza handiagoa ematen dit itzal batek Elizak baino | |
| Bolognese | la CîSa la dîS che la Tèra l'é piâta, mo mé a sò ch'l'é tånnda, parché ai ò vésst la sô ôra in vatta ala LóNna, es ai ò pió fidózzia int un'ôra che int la CîSa | |
| Brazilian Portuguese | a Igreja diz que a Terra é achatada, mas sei que ela é redonda, porque vi a sombra na Lua, e tenho mais fé numa sombra do que na igreja | |
| Bresciano | la ciesa la dis che la tera l'è piata, ma me so che l'è 'na bala perché me go est la so ombra so la luna e ghe crede piò a 'n ombra che a la ciesa | |
| Breton | an Iliz a lavar ez eo plat an douar, met gouzout a ran ez eo ront, rak gwelet em eus ar skeud war al loar, ha muioc'h a fiziañs am eus en ur skeud eget en Iliz | |
| Bulgarian | църквата твърди, че земята е плоска, но аз знам, че е кръгла, защото виждам сянката, която хвърля върху луната. вявам повече на сянката отколкото на църквата | |
| Calabrese | la Chiesa dici ca la terra è piatta, ma iu sacciu ca è tunna,picchì aggiu vistu l'ombra supra la luna,e aggiu 'cchiù fiducia in un'ombra ca nilla Chiesa | |
| Catalan | l'Església diu que la Terra és plana, però jo sé que és rodona perquè n'he vist l'ombra sobre la Lluna, i confio més en una ombra que en l'Església | |
| Catanese | a´chiesa rici ca´a Tera jè piatta, ma jù sacciu ca´jè tunna, picchì aeju vistu l´umbra so´supra a luna e jù criru cchiossaj a´luna ca´ a´chiesa | |
| Cornish | an eglos a lever ha compes yw an nor, mes my a wör yth yw cren, rak my re welsys an skeus war al lör, ha moy a fydhyans a'm beus y'n skeus ages y'n eglos | |
| Cosentino | a 'GGhiesa dicia c'a terra è chiatta, ma ia sacciu ch'è tunna, pecchì haju vistu l'ombra da sua sup'a luna e cridu 'cchiu a n'ombra c'a ra Ghiesa | |
| Croatian | Crkva tvrdi da je Zemlja plošna, ali ja znam da je okrugla, jer sam vidio sjenu koju baca na Mjesec i više vjerujem sjeni nego Crkvi | |
| Czech | církev říká, že Země je placatá, ale já vím, že je kulatá, neboť jsem viděl její stín na Měsíci a tomu stínu věřím víc než církvi | |
| Danish | kirken siger, at jorden er flad, men jeg ved, at den er rund, for jeg har set skyggen på månen, og jeg tror mere på skyggen end på kirken | |
| Dutch | volgens de kerk is de aarde plat, maar ik weet dat zij rond is omdat ik haar schaduw op de maan gezien heb; ik hecht meer geloof aan een schaduw dan aan de kerk | |
| Dzoratâi | l'Èglise di que la Terra l'è plliate, mâ mè, sé que l'è rionda, por cein que y'é yu l'ombro dèssu la lena, et y'é mé de confience dein l'ombro que dein l'Èglise | |
| Esperanto | eklezio diras, ke la tero estas plata, sed mi scias, ke ĝi estas ronda ĉar mi vidis ĝian ombron sur Luno, kaj mi pli fidas ombron ol eklezion | |
| Estonian | Kirik väidab, et maakera on lapik, aga ma tean, et see on ümmargune : nägin selle varju Kuu peale ja Kuusse on mul enam usku kui kirikusse | |
| Finnish | Kirkko sanoo maan olevan litteä, mutta tiedän sen olevan pyöreän. Olen nimittäin nähnyt kuun varjon ja luotan enemmän varjoon kuin kirkkoon | |
| Flemish | de Kerk zegt dat de aarde plat is, maar ik weet zeker dat ze rond is, want ik heb de schaduw gezien op de maan, en ik hecht meer geloof aan de schaduw dan aan de Kerk | |
| Furlan | la Glesie a dîs che la Tiere jè plate, ma jò 'o sai che jè taronde, parceche 'o ai vedût l'ombre su la Lune, e 'o ai plui fiducie in une ombre che inte Glesie | |
| Galician | a Igrexa di que a Terra é chá, mais sei que é redonda, porque vin a sombra na Lúa, e teño mais fé nunha sombra que na Igrexa | |
| Greek | η Εκκλησία λέει ότι η Γη είναι επίπεδη, αλλά εγώ ξέρω πως είναι στρογγυλή. Κι αυτό γιατί είδα τη σκιά της στη Σελήνη και έχω περισσότερη εμπιστοσύνη σε μια σκιά παρά στην Εκκλησία | |
| Griko Salentino | i glisìa lèi ka tin ghi ene lettì, ma ivò 'zzero ka ene tunda jài ida tin umbra-ti anu so fengo ce pistèo plèo sin umbra pìppera sin glisìa | |
| Hebrew | הכנסייה אומרת כי העולם שטוח, אך אני יודע כי הוא עגול. כי ראיתי את הצל על הירח ואני סומך על הצל יותר מאשר על הכנסייה | |
| Hindi | चर्च कहता है कि पृथ्वी चपटी है, लेकिन मैं जानता हूं कि वह गोल है। क्योंकि मैंने चांद पर उसकी परछाईं देखी है और मुझे चर्च के मुक़ाबले उस परछाईं पर ज़्यादा विश्वास है | |
| Hungarian | az Egyház azt mondja, hogy a Föld kerek, de én tudom, hogy gömbölyű, mert láttam az árnyékot a Holdon és az árnyékban jobban hiszek, mint az Egyházban | |
| Judeo-Spanish | la klisa dize ke la tierra es apitada, ama yo se ke es redonda porke vide su solombra sovre la luna, i tengo mas konfiensa en una solombra ke en la klisa | |
| Korean | 교회는 지구가 평면이라고 말한다, 그러나 나는 지구가 둥글다는 것을 안다. 왜냐하면 나는 달 위에 (지구의) 그림자를 보았고, 그 그림자를 더욱 신뢰하기 때문이다 | |
| Kurdish Kurmanji | Kilêsa dibêje erd pehne, lêbelê ez dibêjim gilover e. Ji ber kû min sîya ser heyvê dîtîye û bawerîya min zêdetir bi sîyê tê ta kilîsayê | |
| Kurdish Sorani | Kilîsa dellê zewî texte, bellam em dezanim zewî xirre. Çunke emin sêberim be ser mangewe dîwew birwam ziyatir be sêber e ta kilîsa | |
| Ladin | la Gliejia dij che la tera é plata, ma ie sé che ala é torona, ciuldiche i é vedú sia ombria sun la luna, y i é plu fé te na ombria che tla Gliejia | |
| Latin | Ecclesia terram planam esse dicit, sed ego scio globosam eam esse quod umbram eius in luna vidi et umbra magis fido quam Ecclesia | |
| Latvian | baznīca saka, ka zeme ir plakana, bet es zinu, ka tā ir apaļa. Tā kā esmu redzējis mēness ēnu, tad lielāka ticība man ir ēnai nekā baznīcai | |
| Leonese | la Eigrexa diz que la Tierra ye chana, peru you sei que ye redonda purque la tengu vista na lluna, y tengu más fede na lluna que na Eigrexa | |
| Limburgian | de Kérk zèk dat de wêrd plat ès, mê ich bèn zèkker dat ze rond ès, want ich héb z'ne killesjoj gezien op de moën, ên ich geleef de killesjoj eider as de Kérk | |
| Maltese | il-Knisja tghid li d-dinja hi catta imma jien naf li hi tonda, ghax jien rajt id-dell fuq il-qamar u iktar nemmen fid-dell milli fil-Knisja | |
| Mantuan | la Cesa la dis che la tera l’è piata, ma mì al so ch’l’è rotonda, parchè a n’ò vist l’onbra speciada in sla luna, e mì a gh ò pusè fiducia insima a n’onbra che in dla Cesa | |
| Mudnés | la Cêsa la dîs che la Têra l'è piâta, mò mè a sò cl'è tànda, pervìa c'ai ho vèst la sô àmbra inzèma al Sôl, e a cràd de piò a un'àmbra che a la Cêsa | |
| Napulitano | 'a Chiesa rice c' 'a terra è schiana, ma i' saccio ch'essa è rutonna, pecché aggio visto ll'ombra r' 'a soia int'â luna e me firo cchiù 'e n'ombra ca r' 'a Chiesa | |
| Paduan | ea cesa dixe che ea tera xè piata, ma mi che so chea xé tonda, parché go visto ea so ombra suea luna, e me fido pi de un'ombra che dea cesa | |
| Papiamentu | Iglesia ta bisa ku Tera ta plat, pero mi sa ku e ta rònt pasombra ma mira su sombra riba luna i mi tin mas konfiansa den un sombra ku den Iglesia | |
| Persian | کلیسا می گوید که زمین صاف است , ولی من می دانم که گرد است . از آنجایی که من سایه را بر روی ماه دیده ام و من به سایه بیشتر اعتماد دارم تا به کلیسا | |
| Piemontese | la Cesa a dis che la Tera a l'é piata, ma mi i sai ch'a l'é ronda. Për che i l'hai vogù soa ombra ans la Lun-a, e i chërd pì à n'ombra che à la Cesa | |
| Polish | Kościół mówi, że ziemia jest płaska, ale ja wiem że jest okrągła, bo widziałem cień na księżycu i ufam bardziej cieniowi niż Kościołowi | |
| Roman | ´a Chiesa dice che ´a Tera è piatta, ma io so che è rotonna perchè ho visto l´ ombra sua sulla Luna; e me fido più de ´n´ ombra che della Chiesa | |
| Romanian | Biserica spune că Pământul este plat, dar eu ştiu că este rotund pentru că i-am văzut umbra pe Lună, iar eu am mai mare încredere în umbră decât în Biserică | |
| Sammarinese | la Cîsa la dîs ch' e mànnd l'è piât, mo me a'l sò ch' e l'è tònnd, priché a iò vést la sû òmbra sòra la Lóna, e me a dagh piô rèta m'un òmbra che ma la Cîsa | |
| Serbian | Црва тврди да је Земља равна, али ја знам да је округла, јер сам видео њену сенку на Месецу и више верујем сенки него Цркви | |
| Sicilian | 'a Chiesa rici ch' 'a terra è chiàna, ma iu sàcciu ch'è tùnna, picchì iu vitti 'a so' ùmmira supra 'a Luna, e àiu cchiù firucia 'nun'ùmmira ca n'a Chiesa | |
| Slovak | Cirkev hovorí, že Zem je plochá, ale ja viem, že je okrúhla, pretože som videl tieň na mesiaci a verím viac tieňu, ako Cirkvi | |
| Swedish | kyrkan säger att jorden är platt, men jag vet att den är rund. Därför att jag sett månens skugga och därför att jag tror mer på denna skugga än på kyrkan | |
| Thai | ศาสนจักรบอกว่าโลกแบน แต่ข้าฯ เชื่อว่าโลกกลม เพราะข้าเห็นเงาของดวงจันทร์ และข้าเชื่อในดวงจันทร์ยิ่งไปกว่าศาสนจักร | |
| Traditional Chinese | 教會說地球是平的,但我知道地球是圓的,因爲我看過月亮的影子,我相信影子比教會多些 | |
| Triestino | la Cesa disi che la tera la xe piata, ma mi so che la xe tonda perchè go visto la sua ombra sula luna, e me fido più de un'ombra che dela Cesa | |
| Turkish | Kilise dünyanın düz olduğunu söylüyor, ama ben biliyorum ki yuvarlak. Çünkü ayın üzerindeki gölgeyi gördüm ve bir gölgeye kiliseden daha fazla inancım var | |
| Umbro-Sabino | r'Icclesia 'ice que ra tera è piatta, ma io saccio que è rutunna prequé aju vistu r'umbra sua su ra luna e creo de più a r'umbra que a r'Icclesia | |
| Venetian | ła Céxa ła dixe che ła Tera l'è piata ma mi so che ła xe tónda parché go visto ła só onbria su ła Łuna e me fido piasè de na onbria che de ła Céxa | |
| Welsh | dywed yr eglwys fod y Ddaear yn wastad, ond fe wn ei bod yn gron, gan fy mod wedi gweld y cysgod ar y lleuad, ac mae gennyf fwy o ffydd yn y cysgod nag yn yr Eglwys | |
| Zeneize | a Gexa a dixe che a Tæra a l'é ciatta, ma mi sò ch'a l'é rionda, percöse ò visto a seu ombra inta lunn-a e gh'ò ciù confiansa inte 'n'ombra che inta Gexa |
November 9, 2008
A Healthy Palestinian Prisoner Operated on Without His Consent
A Healthy Palestinian Prisoner Operated on Without His Consent - Another Israeli Preach of human rights
Iqbal Tamimi
November 7, 2008 |
:: Article nr. 48596 sent on 08-nov-2008 05:29 ECT
www.uruknet.info?p=48596
Link: palestinian.ning.com/
November 8, 2008
For Palestinians, There Are Two Obamas
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By Hasan Afif El-Hasan Barack Obama, the son of a black father from Kenya swept to victory as the US first black president. Despite the long campaign, the mud slung, the ugly inferences and demeaning charges, the elevation of Obama to the White House is a proud transcendent moment in the US history. It is a mile-stone that will be the start of a new age in race relationship in the US. A black family will reside in the White House that was originally built by slave black labor two centuries ago! America came a long way! Congratulations! There are many reasons for Obama’s success in the election of the first black president in the US. High among them is the ruinous legacy of President Bush foreign and domestic policies. The two costly wars and the economy in ruins would have failed any Republican nominee including the war hero and former POW, Senator John McCain. Mr. Obama ran an impressive campaign and he also received help from unsolicited source, Osama Ben Laden. Ben Laden could have released a message threatening the US, reminding the American people of 9/11 terrorist attack and got McCain elected, but he did not. Political analysts called such a Ben Laden message “October surprise”. Ben Laden was the only reason President Bush was re-elected in 2004. Many observers in the US agree that the anti-Viet-Nam war John Kerry could have won the elections in 2004 against the belligerent wartime President Bush if Ben Laden had not provided the “October surprise” only one week before the elections when Kerry was ahead in public opinion surveys. Many Americans who had supported Kerry voted for Bush because of fear from possible Ben Laden terrorist acts. Americans believed Bush would be more capable of protecting them against terrorism. Barack Obama, who had no military background, could have lost the elections to the war supporter and ex-military man, John McCain if Ben Laden sent another threatening tape as he did in 2004. McCain was perceived better in protecting the country from terrorists. Response to fear by electing a hawkish government is common among nations. Israel is a case in point. Majority of Israelis approved and elected the most hawkish Israeli leader, the butcher of the 1982 Sabra, Shatila, Tel al-Za’atar and Dbayyeh massacres, Ariel Sharon, as Prime Minister on February 6, 2001 when the Palestinian Second Intifada broke out. There is no policy difference toward the Palestinians among the major Israeli parties, Labor, Likud and Kadima, or among their leaders Amir Perez, Benjamin Netanyahu, Ariel Sharon, Ehud Olmert, Shimon Peres or Tzipi Livni. They share a broad common consensus, protecting the Israelis from the Palestinians. Ending occupation and allowing the Palestinians have their own state to settle the historic conflict never been considered. On the other hand, perhaps one important reason the Palestinians voted for the militant Hamas in 2006 legislative elections was to defend them against the Israeli military and the Jewish settlers. I strongly believe the Palestinians have the right to use every legal means to resist occupation, but the Palestinian militants’ attacks on civilian targets in Israel proper played a major role in alienating the Israeli public against a just peace and encouraging them to vote for the militant right-wing parties or ultra-Orthodox factions. The attacks on civilians make it difficult for the Israeli peace advocates to compete against the militant extremists. There are many Israeli organizations that are against settlements and land grabbing, but the Palestinian’s attacks on civilians have not helped them attract enough supporters to influence their government policy. Some Israelis support peace through protests against their government policies and others encourage Israeli soldiers to refuse to participate in murdering, suppressing and humiliating the Palestinians. These include but not limited to “Peace Now” that was established by Israeli reservists in 1983, the “Committee against Home Demolition”, “Rabbis for Human Rights” and “Gush Shalom”. Many Israeli Jews, European and US activists demonstrate with the Palestinian villagers opposing colonizing the West Bank and in the process they risk their lives by praying in the paths of heavy Israeli bulldozers and some had died. Rachael Corrie for one, an American young lady died when an Israel soldier bulldozed her while she was trying to protect a family’s home in Gaza. Tom Hurndall, an Englishman was shot in the head by an Israel sniper and suffered irreversible brain damage; he died from his wounds a year later. Many Israeli activists volunteer to protect the Palestinian farmers against the Jewish violent settlers who attack and intimidate the farmers and set fire to their trees during the olive harvesting season. Small number of Israeli and American Jews and international supporters joined Nihlin villagers protesting the Israeli military bulldozers tearing up the land to make way for the apartheid wall. Palestinian cause needs the Israeli people to choose a government that promotes a just peace and the Palestinians need the sympathy and support of the world opinion. For the Palestinian national cause, Obama’s election will not lead to much change in the status quo if any. Supporting the extreme hard-line Israelis has become a structural strategy in the US and nothing can be done about it. Neither President-elect Obama nor McCain if he had won the elections can change it. That is why people like Ron Paul who opposed foreign aid to Israel or Congressman Denis Kucinich, a critic of US Middle East policy will never have a chance to be nominated by their parties to run for president. Regarding the Palestinian issue, there are two obamas, the old and the candidate, separated by the moment when Obama decided to run for president. The old Obama had Palestinian friends and he sympathized with the Palestinians, but the candidate Obama sided with the hard-line APAC, denied he had Palestinian friends and blamed the persecution of the Palestinians on the victims themselves. He supported Israel’s policy in the occupied land including the Gaza siege and starvation its people in defiance of international laws and moral rules as self-defense and he endorsed keeping Jerusalem united under Israeli rule. He never criticized the settlements, the apartheid wall, the roadblocks and checkpoints. Obama even justified the Israeli 2006 war against Lebanon and the massacres of Lebanese civilians as self-defense. John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt wrote that Obama was “unequivocal in his praise for Israel and made it manifestly clear that he would do nothing to change the US-Israeli relationship”. After Obama’s speech to AIPAC convention, Haaretz wrote, “He sounded as strong as Clinton, as supportive as Bush, as friendly as Guiliani”. During his last visit to Israel, Obama spent two days meeting leaders of Israel’s major parties, spent only 45 minutes talking to the Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas with no news conference and refused to visit refugee camps. He expressed deep sympathy with the Israeli victims of the conflict and nothing for the Palestinians. The Palestinians must stop counting on the US government to help them achieve their national goals! Because the US will never side with the Palestinians, they should put an end to the myth that there will be no chance for a peaceful resolution unless the US government intervenes. The Palestinians should find another path to a just peace without the involvement of the US government. They should focus on dealing with the Israeli people directly especially the peace camp. The Palestinians have the power to influence the Israeli politics in favor of just peace if they do the right things to encourage the Israeli people to vote for the pro-peace parties rather than the right wing parties and ultra-Orthodox factions. There are many Israeli organizations and individuals who are against settlements and land grabbing. The Palestinians need the Israeli people to choose a government that promotes a just peace and they need the sympathy of the world public opinion. The Palestinians do not cast votes in the Israeli elections. But they have power to create strong pro-peace parties in Israel if they publicly relinquish the armed resistance and adopt a strategy of peaceful protest and civil disobedience in the occupied West Bank, Gaza and Jerusalem similar to South African struggle against apartheid and the Civil Rights movement in the US. Unfortunately, this is not an easy task because many Palestinians have lost patience and faith in their leaders and the endless negotiations. Palestinian, Israeli and international human rights and NGO activists and intellectuals should promote the Palestinian’s civil rights, renounce violence and fight against occupation with peaceful means. Civil society institutions have better chance for mediating between the two peoples. They are insulated from dependence on politicians and less yielding to coercion by extremists. Real peace and genuine reconciliation benefits the Israelis as much as the Palestinians, but peace can be achieved only if Israel ends the occupation. -Born in Nablus, Palestine, Hasan Afif El-Hasan, Ph.D, is a political analyst. He contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com. |
Bush's Last Bullet: Why the US Attacked Syria
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By Ramzy Baroud The sovereignty of an independent, stable country that has carried out many constructive moves in recent months and weeks, which could have surely contributed to the stabilization of the Middle East, has been violated, its borders breached and its civilians killed. But when the country targeted is Syria, an Arab country, and the perpetrator is the US military, then, somehow things are not as appalling as they may seem. The US raid on a small farming community near the Iraq-Syria border on October 26 is being treated differently than the Russian attack on Georgia in August 2008. The latter was vehemently condemned by every last leading US official, who specifically decried Russia’s violation of international law, laws governing the sovereignty of nations, and the destabilization of a whole region. Few in the US government, and fewer in the ever-willing mainstream media, dared offer any alternative reading to what truly triggered the conflict. For example, Georgia’s initial violent attacks on South Ossetia, killing many Russian citizens and peacekeepers, seemed a negligible fact. The Syria case, where a dozen US commandos killed eight Syrian civilians, including a father and his four sons, is somehow an entirely different story. Georgia is an ally of the US; Syria is not. Georgia was armed and trained largely by US-Israeli weapons and military experts; Syria is a key recipient of Russian weapons. Georgia was used as another US foothold in an extremely strategic and rich region; Syria is a safe haven for the political leaderships of various Palestinian groups that continue to fight the Israeli occupation. Georgia is serving the essential role of tightening the geopolitical belt around Russia; Syria’s strong relations with Iran, is rather complicating US efforts to tightly control Iraq. Considering the Bush doctrine - not just that of preemptive war and rationalising torture, but others that rank US interests above international law, and regards US actions with different standards to those of any other nation — one hardly needs to infuse UN resolutions that forbid the sort of action as bombing a quiet village inside some other country’s borders. It is simply ‘irrelevant’, a term that is dear to President Bush, for that is how he wished to delineate his government’s view of the UN for refusing to give him the green light to invade Iraq. True, the attack on Syria may seem like a classic belligerent military policy, carried out by a president who defines national security as perpetual violence. But there is certainly more to the story that is largely missing from most analyses offered by government officials and in US media. The Times of London quoted an anonymous US official in an October 29 report as saying: “You have to clean up the global threat that is in your backyard (that being Iraq) - and if you don’t do that, we are left with no choice but to take these matters into our own hands.” The official repeated the claim that the target was an Iraqi national affiliated with Al Qaeda, Abu Ghadiyah. His real name is Badran Turki Hishan al-Mazidh, who “was appointed as an Al Qaeda commander by the organisation’s late founder, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi.” Of course, once alien Arabic names are offered, then most analysts take such claims at face value. Who is daring enough to question the integrity of that claim altogether, especially as Abu Ghadiyah has allegedly been killed. Thus, Randall Mikkelsen’s Reuters analysis: “The US helicopter attack into Syria this week underscores the Bush administration’s determination to cross borders when it can strike an enemy target, and to weather any international backlash.” But here is the source of oddity. Syria had recently initiated indirect peace talks with Israel, via Turkey. It officiated its diplomatic relations with Lebanon, raising hopes that both countries might settle their protracted feud that has affected the stability of Lebanon, and more recently of Syria itself. These friendly moves had already inspired even more surprising gestures in Lebanon itself, as the leaders of the country’s main rivals, Hezbollah and the Future Movement, have met amidst smiles and friendly handshakes. More, Syria and Iraq are also closer than ever, to the point that the Iraqi government offered some of the strongest condemnations of the US attack on Syria, using Iraqi territories. Equally important, is that Syria has been improving its relations with Europe, including its once greatest detractor, France. Not only is the relationship between Syria, its neighbors and the EU significantly improving, but also the type of language used to describe such relationships: endless accolades of Syria’s important regional role in bringing peace and stability to the Middle East and so forth. The European response to the US military raid also highlights the already existing rift between the US and the EU. “France calls for restraint and underlines its attachment to the strict respect of the territorial integrity of states,” read a statement by Sarkozy’s office. Foreign Minister Miguel Moratinos of Spain demanded an end to “such dangerous events.” The claims that US national security comes first, and that Al Qaeda terrorists are infiltrating the border into Iraq, hardly suffice. In recent weeks, US military officials admitted that “Syria has been more cooperative than in the past in dealing with the problem of foreign fighters entering Iraq, and the number has declined over the past year.” The percentage decline of the reported infiltration is so significant that one has to question the military wisdom in carrying out such a raid now, while refraining from doing so in the past. The Syrian regime is aware of its limited military options, and had opted to choose a calmer approach to mend fences with others, while, at the same time, hoping to strengthen its relationship with Russia, inviting the latter to plant Russian missile defense system in its territories. Naturally, neither Israel - who wants to ensure that the balance of power remains in its favour — nor the US — who wants to keep Syria isolated regionally and internationally, and keep Russia at bay, are pleased with the successful Syrian strategy, thus the bombing of October 26. Indeed, it was a warning to Syria, but considering Bush’s dwindling weeks in office, it might as well be a late warning that would yield nothing but further animosity towards the US, not just in Syria but throughout the world. -Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an author and editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His work has been published in many newspapers and journals worldwide. His latest book is The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People's Struggle (Pluto Press, London). |
http://palestinechronicle.com
November 7, 2008
A Quote By Pier Paolo Pasolini (Poet, Writer, Director)

Pier Paolo Pasolini, Italian Poet Writer And Director
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pier_Paolo_Pasolini
| Italian | bisogna essere molto forti per amare la solitudine | |
| English | one must be very strong to love solitude | |
| Spanish | hay que ser muy fuerte para amar la soledad | |
| French | il faut être très fort pour aimer la solitude | |
| German | man muss sehr stark sein um die Einsamkeit zu lieben | |
| Russian | нужно быть очень сильным, чтобы любить одиночество | |
| Arabic | لا بد أن يكون المرء قويا جدا حتى يحب العزلة | |
| Afrikaans | om lief te wees vir eensaamheid moet 'n mens baie sterk wees | |
| Aragones | bi ha que estar muito fortal t'aimar a soledá | |
| Basque | oso kementsua izan behar da bakardea maite izateko | |
| Bolognese | t è da èser fôrt magâra, s’t vû stèr da par té | |
| Brazilian Portuguese | é preciso ser muito forte para amar a solidão | |
| Breton | ret eo bezañ kreñv-meurbet evit karout an digenvez | |
| Corsican | bisogn'à esse forte forte pè amà a sulitudine | |
| Croatian | treba biti veoma snažan da bi se voljelo samoću | |
| Czech | samotu mohou mít rádi jen ti, kdo v sobě mají velkou sílu | |
| Danish | man skal være meget stærk for at elske ensomheden | |
| Dutch | men moet heel sterk zijn om van eenzaamheid te houden | |
| Dzoratâi | faut ître rîdo foo por amâ vivre mare solet | |
| Esperanto | ni bezonas esti multe fortaj por ami solecon | |
| Finnish | on oltava hyvin vahva, jotta voi rakastaa yksinäisyyttä | |
| Furlan | bisugne jessi unevore fuarts par amâ la bessolance | |
| Galician | has ser moi forte para amar a señardade | |
| Greek | κάποιος πρέπει να είναι πολύ δυνατός για να αγαπάει τη μοναξιά | |
| Griko Salentino | inghizzi na'ne poddhì dinatò ja'na 'gapìsi ti mmanichìa | |
| Guarani | nde mbarete porã vaerã rehayhuhaguã ta’eñoreko | |
| Hebrew | חייבים להיות מאוד חזקים כדי לאהוב את בדידות | |
| Hungarian | nagyon erősnek kell lenni ahhoz, hogy valaki szeresse az egyedüllétet | |
| Judeo-Spanish | kale ser muy fuerte para agradar la soledad | |
| Korean | 고독을 사랑하려면 아주 강인하지 않으면 안된다 | |
| Latvian | lai mīlētu vientulību, cilvēkam jābūt ļoti stipram | |
| Leonese | ye necesariu sere fuerte asgaya p'amare la soledá | |
| Mudnés | bisègna êser prôpria fôrt per avêr piasêr de stêr per còunt sùo | |
| Paduan | bisogna che te sipi forte parché te piaxa ea soitudine | |
| Papiamentu | bo mester ta hopi fuerte pa stima soledat | |
| Persian | فرد باید خیلی قوی باشد که انزوا را دوست داشته باشد | |
| Polish | trzeba być bardzo silnym, by kochać samotność | |
| Portuguese | é preciso ser muito forte para amar a solidão | |
| Praiese | bisona essi molto forti pi amà la solitudini | |
| Romanian | trebuie să fii foarte tare pentru ca singurătatea să-ți placă | |
| Turkish | yalnızlığı sevmek için çok güçlü olmak gerekir | |
| Venetian | bexon èser ben forte parché te piaxa star da soło | |
| Welsh | rhaid bod yn gryf iawn i garu unigedd | |
| Zeneize | bisà ëse fòrti ben, pe aveighe cäo de stâ a-o solitäio |
November 4, 2008
A Quote By Ennio Flaiano (Italian Journalist/Writer)

| Italian | gli italiani sono sempre pronti a correre in soccorso dei vincitori | |
| English | Italians are always ready to rush to the aid of winners | |
| Spanish | los italianos están siempre dispuestos a correr en auxilio de los ganadores | |
| French | les Italiens sont toujours prêts à courir au secours des vainqueurs | |
| German | die Italiener sind immer bereit, den Siegern zu Hilfe zu eilen | |
| Russian | итальянцы всегда с нетерпением готовы помочь победителям | |
| Arabic | الإيطاليون مستعدون دائما للاحتشاد في عون المنتصرين | |
| Afrikaans | die Italianers is altyd gereed om die oorwinnaars te hulp te snel | |
| Albanian | italianët janë gjithmonë gati për të nxituar në ndihmë të fituesve | |
| Aragones | os italians están perén aparentes en correr en aduya d'os benzedors | |
| Basque | italiarrak beti daude irabazleei laguntzera korrika joateko prest | |
| Bolognese | i itagliàn i én sänper prónti a córrer a dèr na man ai vinzidûr | |
| Brazilian Portuguese | os italianos estão sempre prontos para correr em auxílio dos vencedores | |
| Breton | an Italianed zo prest dalc'hmat da redeg da sikour ar re drec'h | |
| Croatian | talijani su uvijek spremni priskočiti u pomoć pobjednicima | |
| Czech | Italové vždy rádi přispěchají na pomoc vítězi | |
| Danish | italienerne er altid parate til at ile vindere til hjælp | |
| Dutch | Italianen staan altijd klaar om de winnaars te hulp te snellen | |
| Dzoratâi | lè z'ètalïen sant adî prêt à corre âo sècoo dâi gâgneint | |
| Esperanto | italoj estas ĉiam pretaj rapidegi en helpo de la gajnintoj | |
| Estonian | itaallased on alati varmad võitjatele appi tõttama | |
| Finnish | italialaiset ovat aina valmiita juoksemaan voittajien avuksi | |
| Furlan | i talians son simpri a cori in socors dai vincidôrs | |
| Galician | os italianos están sempre dispostos a correr en auxilio dos vencedores | |
| Greek | οι Ιταλοί είναι πάντα έτοιμοι να τρέξουν να βοηθήσουν τους νικητές | |
| Hebrew | האיטלקים תמיד מוכנים לחפוז לעזרת המנצחים | |
| Hungarian | az olaszok mindig készek a győztesek segítségére sietni | |
| Korean | 이탈리아인들은 항상 승자를 도우려 나설 준비가 되어 있다 | |
| Latvian | itālieši vienmēr ir gatavi mesties palīgā uzvarētājiem | |
| Leonese | los italianos tán siempre llistos pa correr en ayuda de los ganadores | |
| Mudnés | i italiân i ên sèimper pròunt a còrer a aiutêr i vinzitôr | |
| Paduan | i itałiani i xe sempre pronti a corare par jutarghe a chi che vinse | |
| Papiamentu | italianonan ta semper kla pa kore pa yuda e ganadónan | |
| Persian | ایتالیایها همیشه آماده کمک به برندگان هستند | |
| Polish | włosi są zawsze gotowi, aby dążyć z pomocą zwycięzcom | |
| Portuguese | os italianos estão sempre dispostos a correr em auxílio dos vencedores | |
| Praiese | l'italiani su sempi pronti a curri in aiutu dilli vincitori | |
| Roman | l' italiani so' sempre pronti a core pe' da' 'na mano ai vincitori | |
| Romanian | italienii sunt totdeauna gata să sară în ajutorul câștigătorilor | |
| Serbian | италијани су увек спремни да брзо прискоче у помоћ победницима | |
| Traditional Chinese | 義大利人永遠準備就緒衝去幫助勝利者 | |
| Turkish | italyanlar galiplerin yardımına koşmaya her zaman hazırdır | |
| Venetian | i itałiani i xe senpre prunti a córar par jutar chi che vinzse | |
| Welsh | mae Eidalwyr wastad yn barod i ruthro i helpu enillwyr | |
| Zeneize | i italiæn en de longo lesti à corrî à aggiuttâ quelli che vinse |
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