I do what I want - You do what you're told

We hope that you will benefit from this vivid account and through analysis contributed by Kim Bullimore, writing from Palestine. She is an Australian activist/writer who is currently living and working in Palestine. She writes for the Australian social justice newspaper, Green Left Weekly.

PalestineChronicle.com

PALESTINECHRONICLE.COM FEATURE ARTICLE

Abbas' Road to Capitulation: Annapolis and Beyond

By Kim Bullimore
Special to PalestineChronicle.com

The situation in Palestine continues to deteriorate, both on a political scale and humanitarian scale. The international blockade of Gaza and the continued illegal collective punishment of its residents by Israel has resulted in soaring food prices (eg. a bag of flour has risen from 80 shekels to over 200 shekels ie. A $23 to A $57). In addition, many foodstuffs, medicines and other goods, such as building material are no longer available. Accor ding to the United Nations Office for Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs in the Occupied Palestinian Territories there are zero stocks available for 91 drugs. Hospitals are reporting zero stock availability of pediatric drugs and anti-biotics, as well as a shortage in chronic disease drugs, cancer treatment drugs, a range of kidney dialysis drugs and IV glucose solution. In addition, there are also shortages of kidney dialysis machine equipment.

Fuel which is needed for just about everything, including cooking, running hospitals, schools, purifying, sterilising and pumping water, running garbage collection trucks, ambulances and much more is increasing scarce and expensive.

At the end of July, the General Director of the Democracy and Workers' Right Centre in Palestine gave testimony to the UN on the state of workers in Gaza. He outlined the mass closure of factories in the wood, clothing, food, construction and agricultural sectors, resulting in more than 80,000 wor kers losing their jobs. Since July, the situation has deteriorated, more factories have closed and more workers are now left without an income to feed their families. There is no social security system in Palestine, so workers are forced to rely on what little savings they may have and their families. Many turn to crime, while others engage in dangerous acts such as trying to collect scrap metal near no-go zones or try to enter Israel illegally, both of which often results in them being killed by the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF).

Those workers still with jobs often continued to work for months without pay. Currently, municipal workers (mostly garbage collectors and street cleaners) in Gaza are striking for the fourth time, demanding back pay from February. Thousands of tonnes of refuse is now piling up on the street causing a major health hazard (combined with the lack of clean running water). UN agencies are reporting an increase in rates amongst children of diarrhea which can be fatal and the possibility of outbreaks of typhoid and hepatitis if the blockade is not lifted.

The closure of the border crossing has resulted in dozens of Palestinians in urgent need of medical treatment dying, including at least two terminally ill cancer patients were refused entry to Israel or Egypt by the Shin Bet (Israel's secret police). Dozens of other sick patients have also been denied access to hospitals in Israel, Egypt, Jordan and the West Bank.

The IOF continues to bomb and attack Gaza, killing Palestinians indiscriminately (in October alone more than 30 people were killed). However, Hamas is putting up a strong counter-attack. While the Israeli war machine is making almost daily invasions into the strip, their area of operation has been limited to around 3 kilometres on the ground. Hamas has been able to stage ambushes and counter-attacks, inflicting damage to the IOF, resulting destruction of military hardware and the loss of several IOF soldiers. According to Israeli journalist, Amos Harel, the IOF is reporting that they’re no longer facing an untrained guerilla force but that Hamas is now better equipped and trained and "fighting like an Army".

However, the blockade and political isolation is continuing to exert pressure on Hamas, resulting in Hamas aligned police shooting on a rally crowd during the anniversary of Arafat's death. Both Fatah and Hamas are blaming the other side for provoking the attack, with each claiming the other side shot first. The shooting resulted in at least 6 people being killed (early media reports stated that those killed belong both to both factions). The day following the shootings a general strike took place in Gaza. In response to the memorial day shootings, the ousted Palestinian Prime Minister and Hamas leader, Ismail Haniyeh has called for an inquiry into the events, while Fatah has sought to use the deaths of the Palestinians at the rally to further its factional war against Hamas.

Some veteran Israeli journalists such as Amira Hass are suggesting that Hamas is starting to lose control of the Gaza as a result of the shootings. However, while Hamas has come under extreme pressure and this pressure is beginning to take its toll, it should be noted that according to a number of experts on Hamas, there already a natural division between the political and armed wings of Hamas [1]. So while the Hamas leadership exerts a reasonable influence on the Izzidine Al Qassam brigades, the two wings in fact operate on the whole quite independently as a security precaution. As a result, the political wing is not always 100% in control of what its military wing does. This in the past has proven to be an effective security measure for Hamas, but in the current conditions this may actually undermine the political leadership of Hamas if they can not bring their military wing under more disciplined control.

However, the primary issue in relation to Hamas is how much has former Prime Minister, Ismail Haniyeh and other moderates been sidelined? Over the past 5 years, as a number of writers on Hamas have noted that Hamas has moved towards a more "moderate" position compared to their original 1988 charter [2].The question now is will the current political pressure that Hamas is under result in it returning to its former more hard line positions.

It is hard to tell at the moment whether this has happened. While there seems to be increasing statements coming from the hardline Hamas leaders, it is hard to tell whether this is because Haniyeh has been sidelined or it's a distortion due to the media blackout imposed on Hamas by Abbas.

Since June, Abbas’ regime have forcibly closed down any media outlets including newspapers they deem to be either affiliated with or sympathetic to Hamas. Abbas has also made it illegal for West Bank media outlets to broadcast speeches by Hamas or mention them. This has been applie d more stringently to television and radio media, than print media. As a result, some media outlets such as Maan News, which is based in Bethlehem, have continued to report Hamas statements on their websites. However, when Maan's executive director broadcast an interview with a Hamas leader on the privately owned Amal TV station, he was immediately arrested. Maan News closed down its website in protest.

In the past few months, all around Ramallah there has appeared huge billboards posters of Abbas and Arafat. The idea is to try and invoke the memory of Arafat to try and bolster Abbas, who enjoys little real support amongst the Palestinian people (even amongst those loyal to Fatah). In many ways, the appearance of these billboards is a sign of the desperation within Abbas' leading circle. They know he can not win the support of the people himself, so they must invoke Arafat to try and justify his rule and actions.

In the past week, both Abbas and Fayyad have also sought to use the November 11 anniversary of Arafat’s death and the shootings in Gaza to step up pressure on Hamas. The anniversary was marked in Ramallah by the opening of a new Mosque and mausoleum built in the Moqata (Arafat's headquarters) to honour him, where Abbas gave a speech. During his speech, Abbas said about the Israeli occupation, instead condemning Hamas and projecting the Annapolis conference as a "new phase in the middle east". During the speech sections of the Fatah dominated crowd began chanting "Shi'a, Shi'a, Shi'a". While Fatah warlord and CIA collaborator, Mohammed Dahlan may have been ousted (temporarily) from power, this reveals he still has influence amongst many Fatah members. Palestinian media also reported that the same chants were used at the rally in Gaza before shooting started. In the days following the shootingsm at the rallies organised in Ramallah by Fatah and the PLO, the same sectarian chants could also be heard.

Prior to 2006, this sort of sectarianism didn’t exist amongst the Palestinian community, only beginning under the auspices of Dahlan in Gaza (no doubt with the tactic approval of Abbas). Hamas isn’t Shi’a, but Sunni like the rest of the Palestinian Muslim community. However, Dahlan tried to use it as a divide and rule tactic, hoping to isolate Hamas and tar them as being simply tools of the Iranian government and to promote sectarian fear amongst the Palestinian Sunni community. This tactic was furthered after the June emergency declaration by Abbas when he tried to equate Hamas with Al Qeda. While this may have pleased Israel and the US, most Palestinians know that Hamas isn’t in anyway like Al Qeda. Abbas soon stopped saying this because it became obvious that he was just making a fool of himself by pursuing such a line of rhetoric.

In the lead up to the Annapolis conference, Abbas and Fayyad are continuing to step up pressure on Hamas. There is much speculati on in the Israeli and Palestinian media what the failure of the conference (they all expect it to fail) will mean in relation to Gaza and Hamas. Abbas will push hard to gain something from Annapolis (although he will win nothing) because he is aware that if he comes away empty handed that it will be very hard for him to continue to ignore Hamas and refuse to negotiate with them. Both sides are trying to play up that it will be real, but also playing down what will not be discussed. Olmert is under pressure from his government coalition partners, who are from the extreme anti-Arab right. While he wouldn’t have offer much, he will now not even make the pretense of offering anything as his coalition partners are threatening to walk even if Jerusalem is mentioned at the conference. As a result, there will not even be a pretense of trying to discuss the final status issues of Jerusalem, borders, settlements or refugees.

Abbas argues the conference will be real and they won&rsq uo;t concede anything. However, he and his coterie are already conceding an immense amount by attempting to dismantle the Palestinian resistance, refusing to reconcile with Hamas and establish national unity (the thing most wanted by the Palestinian population at the moment). Months of “photo op” discussions with Olmert have result in, as predicted, very little except for the release of a few hundred prisoners out of 11,000 languishing in Israel’s prisons. Most of those released had only months left of their prison terms and in meantime Israel continues to abduct and detain almost twice as many as they release.

Maan News in the past week posted an interview with the Abbas' appointed Prime Minister, Salaam Fayyad, who correctly identified that in relation to their agenda, what is actually more important is not Annapolis but bringing Nablus under PA control. Nablus has a long tradition of being the centre of Palestinian resistance to Zionism. It was one of the first areas to rise up in the 1936 Palestinian revolt, as well as during the first and second intifada. All the factions are represented there. If Abbas and Fayyad can bring Nablus under their control, they will have succeeded in capitulating fully to the US and Israel by all but destroying the Palestinian resistance in the West Bank (it should be noted that under international law, which Israel is a signatory too, an occupied people have the legal and legitimate right to armed resistance against occupation).

Both Abbas and Fayyad believe that if they succeed in disarming the Palestinian resistance they will be able to win concessions from the Israeli. This, however, as a number of writers, including former CIA analyst, Kathleen Christison, has pointed out is pure delusion on the behalf of Abbas and Fayyad .

As Christison noted in the wake of the June state of emergency, that while Abbas and his leadership are desperate to be seen as “moderate” and “re asonable”, there has never been any clear evidence that “Israel will never make meaningful territorial concessions to the Palestinians or even any real political concessions to Fatah, such as release of significant numbers of Palestinian prisoners” or that the US will pressure them to do [3].

This has not stopped Abbas and Fayyad, however, in the past month seeking in Fayyad’s word’s "permission" from Israelis to increase the number of PA security forces in the West Bank. This has resulted in 300 newly trained PA security forces being deployed to Nablus, supposedly under the pretext of bringing the criminal gangs in Nablus under control. The reality, however, is that the purpose of the PA security forces is to bring the Palestinian resistance under control, disarm it and kill it off. This was confirmed on November 18 by a Fatah official from Nablus who stated that the PA was increasing its collaboration with Israel and that “Whatev er the Israelis can not do, the (Palestinian) Authority comes to do it for them" [4] .

Within two days of the security forces arriving in Nablus, they besieged Balata refugee camp. A fight was put up by members of Al Aqsa Brigades and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). Over the past few days, the PA security forces and IOF have once again attempted to go in and disarm the Palestinian resistance, this time in Ein Beit Al-Ma refugee camp (there are 3 refugee camps in Nablus), however, they are currently being held at bay by PFLP fighters. According to the November 18 Ynet article, Palestinian security sources confirmed that "through the operation PA forces were working to disarm the last traces of the PFLP's infrastructure in Nablus and the northern West Bank. Palestinian officials see the Nablus security plan's success as the key to the strengthening of the PA throughout the entire West Bank".

While the focus on the Israeli and inter national media has been on Hamas' transgressions in Gaza, such as the shootings at the rally, the arrest of Fatah members, attacks on journalists, they’ve failed to mentioned that Abbas and his regime have been systematically arresting and detaining Hamas members in the West Bank for months. Since the June, Fatah aligned PA security forces have detained and arrested without trail or charge at least 900 to 1000 Hamas members, many of whom are then handed over to Israel. In addition, they have continued to carry out brutal beatings and attack on other Hamas members, raid their offices and destroy them. They have also shut down at least 110 Hamas affiliated charities (many of whom provide aid to some of the poorest Palestinians) and arrested journalists who have reported Hamas speeches and statements. In Ramallah, the PA security forces stop and detain people at will. On a number of university's Fatah students have attacked Hamas students resulting in the death of at least one Ham as student.

Currently most of the other factions have opportunistically fallen in behind Fatah, as many see it as an opportunity to sideline Hamas. Many of the so-called Palestinian Left, who are dependent on salaries from the PA, while having staged rallies and spoken out against the excesses of Hamas and the Gaza take over, have failed to make any public statements or organise any activity in opposition to similar activity by Fatah and the Fatah dominated PA security forces. In addition, they have had little to say about the unconstitutional nature of not only the unelected Fayyad technocrat PA, the illegal decrees being issued by Abbas and the continued undermining of the democratically elected Palestinian Legislative.

As Palestinian feminist Majda Hassan noted recently, the Palestinian Left has taken "the opportunistic and unprincipled position taken by the right-wing "left" of the PLO vis-a-vis the current standoff between Hamas and Fatah". Hassa n notes that instead of "harnessing all effort to fight the outcome of the Oslo Accord and instead of respecting the outcome of the 2006 elctions and forming a Unite Front with the party that won the election (Hamas) with a clear majority on a platform of resistance and reforms, the Left has, alas fallen in line with the undemocratic methods adopted by the controlling party (Fatah) and failed the historic test" [5]

In the wake of this failure by the Palestinian left and the ongoing brutal Israeli occupation of Palestine, the next few weeks after Annapolis will be a crucial time for the Palestinian liberation struggle. Whether or not Abbas and his regime will be able to continue as they have is in doubt, something which Israel, the US and even Abbas recognises himself. If Hamas can maintain control of its forces in Gaza and with stand the blockade a while longer, they continued to place themselves strategically in a good position. Abbas will not be able to continue to ignore them and will be forced to the negotiating table. Also if Fayyad and Abbas continue seek to actively disarm the resistance, this may result in pushing some of the other factions closer to Hamas, thus placing more pressure on Abbas and Fayyad. However, if Hamas are unable to keep control of its forces and starve of defeat in Gaza, they may well begin to revert to their former hardline positions rather than capitulate to the dictates of the US's favourite quisling in Ramallah.

Either way, if the failure to re-forge a united Palestinian liberation struggle continues, the biggest loser will, of course, once again will be the Palestinian people.

-Kim Bullimore is currently working and living in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. She has a blog www.livefromoccupiedpalestine.blogspot.com and is a regular contributor on Palestine-Israel issues to the Australian based Green Left Weekly, www.greenleft.org.au.

Notes:

1.See Hroub’s Hamas for Beginners and Tamimi’s Hamas: A history from within
2.see Amayreh's Hamas Debates the Future http://conflictsforum.org/briefings/Hamas-Debates-the-Future-monograph.pdf recently published on Conflicts Forum).
3.Christison, K., The siren song of Elliot Abrams, Counterpunch http://www.counterpunch.org/christison07262007.html
4. Waked, A., PA Security forces carry out mass arrests in Nablus, YNet, http://www.ynetnews.com/Ext/Comp/ArticleLayout/CdaArticlePrintPreview/1,2506,L-3472708,00.html
5. Hassan, M., The Osloisation of the Palestinian Left, Palestine Chronicle www.p alestinechronicle.com/story-092007162357.htm).

DON'T FORSAKE THE PEOPLE OF GAZA ~~ WHAT YOU CAN DO TO HELP

Desert Peace

November 24, 2007 There are things that every individual, everywhere can do to help the people in Gaza. The facts are known, despite the occupier's attempts to keep them hidden. Presented below are just a few things YOU can do to help.... Be sure to sign the petition at the bottom and DO forward this to people and copy it to your Blogs... Don't forsake the people of Gaza.... End Gaza Siege! ACTION DAY! What We Can Do to END GAZA SIEGE? The Least you can do is to Distribute and Let Every One Know… Forward to your friends, groups, organizations, governments and business to get involved in speaking out and supporting the Stop The Siege in Gaza. Email any articles of http://www.end-gaza-siege.ps/ (Be sure to include a link to where the story is). Here is a MUST READ letter (don’t forget to forward): Open Letter to Sir John Holmes, UN Undersecretary- General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Khalid Amayreh November 19, 2007 Dear Sir: Greeting You must be aware of the nightmare now unfolding in the Gaza Strip. Gaza is simply dying a slow and painful death at the hands of the children and grandchildren of the Holocaust. This is not an overstatement or exaggerated description of a people long tormented by a sinister occupying power that is hell- bent on decimating them, using the basest and most inhumane of means, such as preventing food and other basic needs from reaching them. I could go on and one and on describing and explaining the catastrophic situation in Gaza where on any given day, children and other civilians succumb to their illnesses because Israel and other neighbouring countries wouldn’t allow them to leave the blockaded territory for adequate medical care. I don’t know if your office is receiving daily and accurate reports from the Gaza Strip. But in case it doesn’t, a quick glance at news reports from that tormented land would suffice to give you a fair idea of what is happening there. True, some foodstuff and a few other commodities are being allowed to reach Gaza. However, these are utterly inadequate to meet the minimal needs of more than 1.4 million beleaguered human beings, the vast bulk of whom are unemployed, thoroughly impoverished and desperately hopeless. "Innocent Palestinian Kids" - Photo: Fady Adwan Besides, Gazans, like the rest of humanity, need more than bread and tea. They need to live a dignified life. This is their God-given right as humans. This right must not be compromised by political cannibalism that is brazenly practiced by a world claming to be civilized and enlightened when in reality its actions and behaviour are millions of light years apart from civility and enlightenment. I am not going to blame Israel and the United States and their allies and friends for this unfolding tragedy. The Quran states "wala Yas’alu 'an thunoobihemol Mujrimun" meaning that "criminals are not much concerned about their sins." This Quranic verse, which I am sure has Biblical equivalents, obviously applies fairly and squarely to child-killing and child-starving states and armies that kill children and innocent people knowingly and deliberately for political reasons. However, as a UN official whose responsibility includes overseeing the situation in Gaza and preventing a Nazi-like catastrophe from taking place in any part of the world, you are called upon in the strongest terms to immediately take pro-active and tangible measures to save Gaza’s helpless inhabitants from what looks a certain looming disaster, especially if the current draconian blockade continues. There is no doubt that the firing by Palestinian guerrillas of homemade Qassam projectiles onto Israeli settlements in the area is a problem. But it is a problem made in Israel since the Jewish state stubbornly refuses to stop killing innocent Palestinians and destroying their homes and bulldozing their farms. Israel wants to keep up the killing of Palestinian children regardless of whether the Palestinian guerrillas observe a ceasefire or not. This sufficiently explains Israel’s adamant rejection of Palestinian ceasefire proposals made on several occasions by Prime Minister Haniya and other Gaza officials. The reason for this may not be sufficiently clear for all, especially in the West where pro-Israeli media often turn the black into white and the big lie into a "virtually reality" glorified by millions. Well, Israel simply doesn’t view herself as humanly equal to Palestinians and non-Jews in general. That is really the crux of the matter and the mother of all sins in the Middle East. Today, the people of Gaza nearly completely rely on the good will of the international community for their physical survival, which they have come to no longer take for granted, given the indifferent silence and brutal callousness of the international community towards their enduring plight. Unfortunately and regrettably, the UN, too, is watching the tragedy in Gaza with passivity and a great modicum of indifference. This passivity, unethical and incompatible with UN Charter and ideals, serves only to embolden Israel to tighten its barbaric grip on that tormented region further and exacerbate the suffering of its people. I am saying that because I am convinced that Israel, under whose harsh occupation we have been languishing for over 40 years, would refrain from taking more pornographic acts of genocide against our people only if the international community made it clear that such behaviour would be unacceptable. Otherwise, Israel would continue to test the will of the world so that if the world’s conscience slumbered or looked the other way, Israel would commit the unthinkable. This is not far-fetched at all. A state that only last year dropped 2-3 million bomblets on Lebanon, could commit a similarly monstrous crime against the more vulnerable and utterly unprotected Palestinians. This week, many members of the Israeli parliament, the Knesset, vociferously protested their army’s failure to "completely paralyse Gaza," with some lawmakers asking their government "why there is still life in Gaza, why there is still electricity in Gaza. We must make sure to them who are the masters!" This shows that were it not for the international public opinion, Israel would emulate the Third Reich. We are talking after all about a state without conscience, without morality. So, Israel won’t relent as long as the international community plays blind, deaf and dumb and looks the other way, while Gazans and other Palestinians are being killed, starved and brutalized. Sir: Don’t you ever count on regional states. These failed regimes prefer the legitimacy that comes from pleasing and appeasing the United States more than that which comes from doing the right thing. Now what are you going to do to put an end to this nightmare? As a fellow human being, I urge you again in the name of the voiceless and the helpless in Gaza, ordinary people, un-politicised and nearly totally preoccupied with making ends meet, to take a meaningful action now to end this obscenity, the criminal blockade of the Gaza Strip. I hope and pray you will deal with this matter with the urgency it deserves. Gaza is really facing a grave danger of collapse and demise, and we must never allow this to happen. Gaza is already a replica of Ghetto Warsaw. For God’s sake, we must not allow Israeli criminality, American acquiescence and international impotence to turn it into another Auschwitz. Another good example is this Israeli soldier’s tale letter: Occupation Breeds Terror Israel must leave the territories, and must do it soon - whether accompanied by concessions on the Palestinian side or not When I first moved to this country, I was prepared to play my part by enlisting in the IDF and serving in the West Bank. While there, I saw for myself the effect my mere uniformed presence had on the Palestinians I encountered on a daily basis. Every interaction took place with me holding all the cards - it was me with the loaded gun in my hands; it was me barking instructions to "stop or I’ll shoot", "lift up your shirt", "don’t come another step closer"; it was me playing with my quarry as though they were puppets on the end of short, taut strings. […] But that was when I saw the wide, silent eyes of the families’ children as we screamed at their father - their hero, their protector - and wrested from him the reins of power inside his own house. And that’s when it started to dawn on me just what kind of effect our actions were having on the next generation, who were guaranteed to end up hating us when all they saw was us herding them like cattle and imposing our will on them through the sights of our guns. […] The unspoken truth that every Israeli knows, uncomfortable as it may be to admit, is that occupation breeds terror. Every incursion, every raid, every curfew and collective punishment, drives the moderates into the welcoming arms of the militants, who promise to return their honour and their wounded pride by fighting the oppressors’ fire with fire of their own. And that fact alone should be enough to shake Israelis awake and realise that the occupation has to end, as much for our own security as for the sake of the Palestinians that we’re subjugating… Read On! ( http://snipurl.com/1twq8 ) Alternatively, you can write your own article. Here is a comprehensive list of email addresses for UN Officials around the world: belgium@un.int, ghana@un.int, france@un.int, gabon@un.int, italy@un.int, panama@un.int, peru@un.int, qatar@un.int, slovakia@un.int, southafrica@un.int, uk@un.int, tzny@tanzania-un.org, argentina@un.int, china@un.int, newzealand@un.int, australia@un.int, chinamission_un@fmprc.gov.cn, germany@un.int, congo@un.int, nycmis@um.dk, brazil@un.int, india@un.int, registration@hagueacademy.nl, otp.informationdesk@icc-cpi.int,visits@icc-cpi.int, inquiries@un.org, doalos@un.org, icaohq@icao.int, iran@un.int, syria@un.int, ghana@un.int, greece@un.int, peru@un.int, qatar-e@qatarmission.org, qatar@un.int, mission@newyork.mfa.sk, brazil@un.int, slovakia@un.int, sudan@un.int, korea@un.int, mission@newyork.mfa.sk, slovakia@un.int, ukraine@un.int, spain@un.int, jordan@un.int, venezuela@un.int, norway@un.int, italy@un.int, egypt@un.int, malaysia@un.int, iraq@un.int, cuba@un.int, spain@un.int, kazakhstan@un.int, kyrgyzstan@un.int, uzbekistan@un.int, turkmenistan@un.int, uae@un.int, kenya@un.int, kuwait@un.int, kyrgyzstan@un.int, nigeria@un.int, philippines@un.int, pakistan@un.int, mexico@un.int, poland@un.int, romania@un.int, niger@un.int,somalia@un.int, tajikistan@un.int, thailand@un.int, hredatabase@ohchr.org, cbb@ohchr.org, au@ohchr.org, VBye@ohchr.org, tb-petitions@ohchr.org, 1503@ohchr.org, ngochr@ohchr.org, udhr@ohchr.org, personnel@ohchr.org, InfoDesk@ohchr.org, onowosad@ohchr.org, jbroussin@ohchr.org, vbirga@ohchr.org, mhaugaard@ohchr.org, info@ofid.org, recruit@ofid.org, iaee@iaee.org, geoffrey.pearce@utoronto.ca, elbuy@qp.com.qa, j_kelly@qp.com.qa, ifad@ifad.org, jodinfo@iefs.org.sa, oapec@qualitynet.net, sgo@unctad.org, info@unctad.org, gdsinfo@unctad.org, diteinfo@unctad.org, ldc@unctad.org, dman@unctad.org, tc@unctad.org, unctadpress@unctad.org, actualidad@gmail.com, argentina@un.int, algeria@un.int, australia@un.int, belarus@un.int, belgium@un.int, benin@un.int, chile@un.int, colombia@un.int, cuba@un.int, ecuador@un.int,egypt@un.int, ghana@un.int, greece@un.int, libya@un.int, portugal@un.int, singapore@un.int, slovenia@un.int, slovakia@un.int, southafrica@un.int, srilanka@un.int, sweden@un.int, syria@un.int, ireland@un.int, venezuela@un.int, yemen@un.int, pubboard@un.org, inquiries@un.org, newscentre@un.org, buchanane@un.org, info@unmovic.org, unmovic-admin@un.org, Webmaster@iaea.org, info@icrt.org, info@ctbto.org, liaison@ctbto.org, info@iaea.org, INIS@iaea.org, INIS.CBL@iaea.org, official.mail@iaea.org, dirinfo@cen-prd.org.mx, afghanistan@un.int, albania@un.int, andorra@un.int, angola@un.int, antigua@un.int, armenia@un.int, austria@un.int, azerbaijan@un.int, bahamas@un.int, bahrain@un.int, bangladesh@un.int, barbados@un.int, benin@un.int, bhutan@un.int, bosnia@un.int, botswana@un.int, brazil@un.int, brunei@un.int, bulgaria@un.int, burundi@un.int, caf@un.int, cambodia@un.int, cameroon@un.int, canada@un.int, capeverde@un.int, chile@un.int, comoros@un.int, croatia@un.int, cyprus@un.int, czechrepublic@un.int, denmark@un.int, djibouti@nyct.net, dominica@un.int, drcongo@un.int, eqguinea@un.int, eritrea@un.int, estonia@un.int, ethiopia@un.int, fiji@un.int, finland@un.int, georgia@un.int, guinea@un.int, guyana@un.int, hungary@un.int, ireland@un.int, jamaica@un.int, jordan@un.int, latvia@un.int, lebanon@un.int, lesotho@un.int, liberia@un.int, Lithuania@un.int, liechtenstein@un.int, luxembourg@un.int, macedonia@un.int, madagascar@un.int, maldives@un.int, mali@un.int, malta@un.int, mauritania@un.int, mauritius@un.int, micronesia@un.int, moldova@un.int, monaco@un.int, mongolia@un.int, morocco@un.int, mozambique@un.int, myanmar@un.int, namibia@un.int, nepal@un.int, netherlands@un.int, norway@un.int, oman@un.int, Portugal@un.int, png@un.int, rwanda@un.int, samoa@un.int, sanmarino@un.int, seychelles@un.int, sierraleone@un.int, spain@un.int, stlucia@un.int, stp@un.int, suriname@un.int, togo@un.int, tto@un.int, tunisia@un.int, turkey@un.int, ukraine@un.int, uruguay@un.int, vanuatu@un.int, yugoslavia@un.int, zambia@un.int, zimbabwe@un.int, nauru@un.int, Official.Mail@iaea.org, burkinafaso@un.int, belize@un.int, costarica@un.int, dominica@un.int,elsalvador@un.int, gambia@un.int, grenada@un.int, guatemala@un.int, haiti@un.int, honduras@un.int, malawi@un.int, marshallislands@un.int, nicaragua@un.int, panama@un.int, paraguay@un.int, solomonislands@un.int, senegal@un.int, stvg@un.int, swaziland@un.int, stkn@un.int, stvg@un.int Tip: Don’t try to send to too many email addresses at once as that might be considered as spamming by your service provider as well by the recipient. Also, please sign this URGENT Petition: http://www.petitiononline.com/etgs1/petition.html Source

An Italian soldier died and other three have been wounded during a kamikaze attack against the Italian Mission in Kabul. The fallen is Maresciallo Capo of the Army Daniele Paladini, from the Second Regiment Pontieri of Piacenza.

The Italian soldier was born in Lecce and lived in Novi Ligure (Alessandria). Paladini was 35 years old and had a family, he left a 5 years old daughter.

The attack, in which 9 Afghan civils have been killed, 4 of them were children, happened around 10 am (6,30 am in Italy) in the district of Pachman. The wounded are ten, three of them are Italian soldiers.

This is not an HEROIC SACRIFICE, as Prime Minister Romano Prodi said this morning, it a useless death. Heroes die in action, fighting for ideals and justice, they don’t die killed by suicidal people, in a foreign country. They don’t die in a useless war, in a war that destroyed a country, that is killing innocents and that is leading to nothing. It’s meaningless dying this way, it has no sense. And it has no sense calling this dead people HEROES, they’re not heroes they where working, and it’s weird to say but they weren’t working for us, neither for Afghan people, neither for freedom or justice, but for someone else interests, for someone else that lied, deceived, cheated, without any regret.

This is not heroic, this is useless, meaningless, unthinkable.

Why are we still there? Why are we still waiting for our men to die this way in a war that is out of our law? Out of our Constitution Paper?

"We Are Living Through Another Hiroshima," Iraq Doctor Says

November 21, 2007

As a number of Op Ed readers attacked the credentials of authorities Leuren Moret and Doug Rokke cited in my previous article on radioactive ammunition, here are a few more authorities that support their view the U.S., Great Britain and Israel are turning the Middle East into a slice of radioactive hell.

There’s a ton of data about this on the Internet for the skeptics: from sources such as the 1999 report of the International Atomic Energy Commission to oncologist members of England’s Royal Society of Physicians to VA hospital nuclear medicine doctors to officials at the Basra maternity and pediatric hospital to reporter Scott Peterson of the Christian Science Monitor. Peterson used a Geiger counter in August, 2003 to find radiation readings between 1,000 and 1,900 times normal where bunker buster bombs and munitions had exploded near Baghdad. After all, a typical bunker bomb is said to contain more than a ton of depleted uranium.

For a concise overview on radioactive warfare, read "DU And The Liberation of Iraq" by Christian Scherrer, a researcher at the Hiroshima Peace Institute, published on Znet on April 13, 2003. Scherrer states:

"Based on the report of the 48th meeting issued by the UN Committee dealing with effects of Atomic radiation on 20th April 1999, noting the rapid increase in mortality caused by DU between 1991 and 1997, the IAEA document predicted the death of half a million Iraqis, noting that…’some 700-800 tons of depleted uranium was used in bombing the military zones south of Iraq. Such a quantity has a radiation effect, sufficient to cause 500,000 cases which may lead to death."

"In 1991 the DU ammunition was mainly used against Iraqi tanks in the desert near Basra, while in the present war DU is being used all over Iraq, even in densely populated areas including the heart of Baghdad, Mosul, Tikrit and other cities." He adds that, based on IAEA estimates and his previous research, "the death toll may surpass a million deaths over the next few years, with more to follow!"

The Annapolis illusion

Comment by Khalid Amayreh in Occupied E. Jerusalem

The Turbulent Winds of the Annapolis Conference

From Israel to Palestine to Amman to Damascus, these are one observer’s conclusions from travels through the Middle East capitals.

By Dan Lieberman - Special to PalestineChronicle.com

Discussing the proposed Annapolis Conference, in face-to-face talks with the prime ministers, foreign ministers and non-government officials (NGOs) of Israel, Palestinian Authority, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, revealed how far we are from achieving peace in the Middle East and how far Annapolis is from the Earth that others walk upon. As part of a delegation of six intrepid fact finders, supported by the Council for the National Interest (CNI), a Washington based NGO that labors intensively to determine paths towards Middle East peace, I found a hopeful wind that moved Israeli and Palestinian to portray optimism. This hopeful wind slowly reduced in force in Jordan, quickly diminished when meeting Syrian vice-presidents and turned to an ill wind in meetings with the Lebanese president, prime minister and foreign minister in the second week of November.

The search for Middle East peace started on a discordant note at a meeting with Gush Shalom (peace bloc) spokesperson Uri Avnery, the most notable advocate for a just peace with the Palestinians. Uri used the words “unsure” and “window dressing” to describe the intended conference. He didn’t sense that Hamas, with whom he has close contacts, would agree to a piece of paper and voiced the opinion that Hamas would “only make a truce and not a peace pact.”

Kadima’s Knesset member Amira Dotan spoke of “ Annapolis as a symbol,” with its “success defined as starting a process.” Deputy Speaker Dr. Ahmed Tibi said: “The U.S. should create the conditions for making it a success. Its failure will strengthen Hamas, Hezbollah and the Iranian/Syrian axis.” Other official sources were more open; expressing views that Israel is an army that has a state and Defense Minister Barak is the major culprit in preventing any peace initiative. 

The Ramallah landscape of enormous white brick housing developments against the brown dirt background disguises the actual despondency and poverty of the Palestinian people.  Palestinian Authority (PA) officials, especially Foreign Minister Riad al-Maliki, tried to be optimistic about the Annapolis conference. They want a complete agenda with final talks, but have become more motivated, in Prime Minister Salam Fayed’s words, “by fear of failure than promise of success,” and are being forced into unwanted compromises just to justify a meeting. President Abbas’ Chief of Staff Rafiq Husseini insisted that Israel must move the separation wall to the Green Line. Interior Minister Abdel Razzah al-Yahya reiterated that “there will be no two-state solution if Israel does not withdraw to the 1967 boundaries and does not give the Palestinians “oxygen to breathe.” The lack of oxygen stifles the Palestinians, who are already torn by internecine warfare between Fatah and Hamas and by conflict with organizations in Nablus that are a combination of criminals, protestors against social and economic negligence, and militants against Israel occupation. . The Palestinian Authority is powerless and it is not obvious how they can negotiate anything and receive approval from a majority of Palestinians, especially when they continue to experience Israel ’s brutal occupation of the West Bank.

Illegal settlements have destroyed Palestinian life in central Hebron . When the Israeli military attempted to evict the settlers, the settlers broke windows and ruined the Palestinian shops. For an incomprehensible reason, the settlers have returned to their illegal positions and Palestinian shops and houses are now empty. To enforce the settler presence, Israeli security checkpoints have been installed at all former entrances to the market. These settlers make claim to properties “taken” from Jews during riots against Hebron Jews back in 1929, but do not display any rights of inheritance or deeds to any of the properties.  Can this claim of a ‘collective right’ have a legal basis?  Contrast the Hebron settlers’ illegal positions and false claims with Palestinians, who have legal deeds to properties in Israel , and are prevented from recovering their properties.

A separation wall winds through West Bank territory and completely encircles West Bank cities, such as Qualqilya and Abu Dis. Residents are hindered from leaving these cities, from going to schools and from cultivating lands. The wall has also caused accumulations of water and created puddles in the Palestinian neighborhoods. The obstructive wall includes 580 fortified checkpoints every five miles. There are also flying checkpoints, settler bypass roads, a planned North South super highway for Israelis only, blocked Palestinian village roads, and travel restrictions to Jerusalem . These restrictive conditions have separated Palestinian communities and families, choked the Palestinian economy and obstructed daily exchanges between peoples. Highways slice through Palestinian lands and completely separate farm homes from agriculture. The inhumanity of all these installations and regulations is beyond belief.

Hamas. Rafiq Husseini summed the PA attitude with a sigh and said, “Don’t worry, this is the land of miracles. What we need is a prayer meeting.”

Jordan is also a land of miracles, its capital city Amman spanning hills with an advanced network of bridges, tunnels and super highways. Traffic is horrific and only moves because there are few traffic lights in the entire city. Jordan ’s increasing prosperity and touchy stability depends upon western investment, special export privileges and friendly relations to neighbors, especially Israel .

Depending upon foreign investment, coping with the 500,000 – 700,000 Iraq displaced persons, still contending with the integration of the massive Palestinian population within, and maintaining friendly relations with Israel guide Jordan ’s foreign policies. Foreign Minister Abdelelah al-Khatib, as most Middle East leaders, considered the Israel/Palestinian conflict as the core issue to be resolved before peace and stability can arrive in the Middle East . He volunteered that Avigdor Lieberman, Israel ’s’ Russian immigrant hardliner, has become most influential in the “peace process.” A highly important Jordanian official was blunt. He was not positive on Annapolis , believes Israel does not want peace, does not have the political will to seek peace and wants to shift the burden of more displaced Palestinians to Jordan . Minister of Planning Suhair al-Ali, as gracious as a woman can be, noted that deceased “King Hussein was into politics,” but the new King Abdullah “is more into development.” She had one plea: “No matter the results of Annapolis , don’t demonize Islam.”

Damascus is a surprise. Expect a faded grey and ancient city, still struggling with the 20th century, and find a lively, advanced city with sparkling new neighborhoods, super highways that don’t interfere with the city’s appearance and a population that is amicable and sympathetic; never a harsh look, never a bitter word, although Syria remains a totalitarian government that does not allow much free expression. To its credit, Syria has succored Palestinians forced from Israel , who have established their own neighborhoods, but still remain committed to return to their homeland.  Added to its credit is the recent sacrifice in allowing 1.2 million Iraqi displaced persons (similar to Jordan , Syria refuses to call them refugees) to move among its population and secure housing, free education and entry to the health system. Syria deserves commendation for acting as a safety valve to the calamities resulting from displaced Palestinians and Iraqis that have occurred from several wars.

Not surprisingly, Syrian vice president of Foreign Relations Farouk Sharaa didn’t have much expectation for the Annapolis conference, believes all Israel ’s political parties fear peace and senses that the U.S. policies encouraged Israel to attack Lebanon and continue the conflict. Israel is on a suicide path and, if Israel is a decision maker in the U.S. then the U.S. loses. The vice president contradicted an accepted belief that Syria will not accept direct assistance for the Iraqi displaced persons. NGOs and the U.S. government are welcome to contribute their assistance. CNI made news by revealing to the U.S. Press a Syrian commitment  to screen Iraqi displaced persons for entry into the U.S.

The Vice president of Cultural Affair. Najah al-Attar, exhibited welcoming smiles, and sensitivity and empathy for oppressed peoples. She spoke of “there not being peace without justice,“ made references to the destruction of the Palestinians and noted that Jews lived in peace in Syria , where they were prosperous and accepted members of the parliament.  A small Jewish community survives in Northern Syria , and a Rabbi is flown in each week from Turkey to perform the rabbinical rites that assure the food is kosher.

Not kosher was a clandestine trip to meet a “minor” Hamas official, who turned out to be Khalid Meshal, official leader of Hamas, exiled in Damascus. The world became more aware of Meshal when Israel’s Mossad tried to assassinate him in Amman . Jordan ’s King Abdullah forced Israel to immediately supply an antidote to the poison given to Meshal by threatening to publicly hang the Mossad agents who tried to kill the Hamas leader. Meshal does not fill the western media description of a wild eyed fanatic. On the contrary, he is a friendly, deliberate and well spoken person who makes sense to the many who subscribe to similar positions. 

He said that Israel does not want peace and both negotiating parties aren’t strong enough to market their results to their peoples. Meshal doesn’t delineate Hamas’ positions, but defers to a Palestinian position that accepts 1967 borders and an Arab position that has accepted the two-state solution. Since 2002, Bush has repeatedly spoken of support for a two-state solution, but where is it? The Hamas leader expects the region to be more explosive. Nevertheless, if the PA feels the Palestinian rights have been fulfilled, Hamas will welcome that. He has proposed a Hudna (truce), and if Israel responds positively, Hamas will not be an obstacle to peace. If the Right of Return is the only remaining problem, Hamas will compromise, and accept the will of the people. He claims Hamas does not encourage militancy, does not desire a theocratic state, is a national liberation movement and will let the Palestinian people decide its own government.

Lebanon greets the visitor with an ominous view of the famous Mdairej bridge, the highest bridge in the Middle East and the pride of Lebanon. The mid-section of its elegant span remains gone, destroyed by Israeli jets on the first day of war. Beirut and Southern Lebanon still show scars of the war; destroyed bridges, damaged roads, and huge holes in Beirut sections. The old section of Bent Jabal (daughter of the mountain), which was invaded by Israeli troop, is completely damaged. It is now a rubble of ancient rocks.

Lebanon is again in one of its perpetual crises; an inability to reach a parliamentary consensus and elect a new president.  Although some are quick to blame Syria and Hezbollah for creating a climate of fear and for the lack of consensus, major Lebanese officials don’t agree that Hezbollah is the culprit for the impasse, just the opposite,  the majority holds power by an archaic law and fears becoming a minority.

The majority is most represented by billionaire Member of Parliament (MP), Saad Hariri, son of assassinated former Prime Minister Rafic Hariri. Saad Hariri senses a significant negative shift in Israel’s attitude towards wanting peace after Rabin’s assassination. Nevertheless, he feels Abu Mazen wants peace and Annapolis, even if delayed, must still happen.” The two sides can reach an agreement.” He is less optimistic concerning his own nation: “Money and arms are pouring into the arms of the allies of Syria.” Hariri has not moved about Beirut for 2 ½ years and has received death threats. Fifty of his fellow MPs are barricaded in the Phoenician hotel, fearful of their lives. Except for Prime Minister Siniora, who accuses Syria and Hezbollah of creating this fear, of being uncooperative and wanting to keep situations unresolved so that Hezbollah can maintain its arms, the other principal government officials support Hezbollah’s position.

Former General and now MP, Michael Aoun, described the year 2000 law that gerrymanded the nation so that the March 14 Party and its allies acquired a majority of 72 parliament seats, although receiving only 1/3 of the vote. This makes the present government illegitimate and favors Hezbollah’s proposition that the only fair solution to the impasse is a new election law, followed by a new election that will award seats in proportion to popular vote. President Emil Lahoud claims the present parliament majority has the backing of the major western powers and is working against the constitution. For this reason, the opposition, meaning Hezbollah, has the right to avoid reaching consensus. Foreign Minister Fawzi Sallougkh read carefully from a prepared document. He doesn’t believe Iran wants to dominate Lebanon and believes the U.S. should establish good relations with Iran.  

Lebanese leaders were particularly angered with Israel’s aggressive attitude towards the Arab world and what they perceived as U.S. support for this attitude. They are most concerned with the negotiations that will decide the fate of the Palestinian refugees, the reason being that the refugees cannot receive citizenship in Lebanon and have created social and economic havoc for decades.  Prime Minister Fouad Siniora was more sanguine and more universal in his characterization of what he termed to be an Arab/Israeli conflict. He considered Israel to be guilty of the situation and leading the world into a catastrophe that will affect all peoples. He allowed permission to quote him, and my notes show these remarks:

“The Arab/Israel conflict is the maker of most problems and control of Jerusalem is a paramount issue. The conflict consumes most efforts in the region, is not restricted to the Middle East and diverts attention from other meaningful issues in all regions. The conflict started from the Balfour Declaration, arose from the extent of injustice inflicted upon the Palestinian people, is leading to further frustration in the Arab world, and is generating extremism. The Israeli 1980 invasion created Hezbollah and a new set of problems. Now, Syria , and other parties (meaning Hezbollah), are not showing cooperation and want to keep issues unresolved.  Nevertheless, President Bush has been unfair to Lebanon , Arab nations and also to his own United States . The U.S. keeps preaching democracy but defends dictatorships.”

Hezbollah, the Party of God, remains the contentious focus of Lebanon politics.  Nevertheless, the Lebanese government has denominated Hezbollah as a resistance movement rather than a militia so that they can keep their arms despite the truce agreement which banned militias. Hezbollah leaders are firm that they will never recognize Israel . Surprisingly, they favor a single democratic state where all peoples are equal and all religions can be practiced without interference. They claim to be politically secular and their government operations don’t contradict that thesis.

Annapolis is 50 miles from the nation’s capital, but it is light years away from the hearts and minds of Arab peoples who want assurance of peace and stability in the Middle East. That is one observer’s conclusions from travels through the Middle East capitals.

-Dan Lieberman has been active in alternative politics for many years. He is the editor of Alternative Insight , a monthly web based newsletter. Dan has many published articles on the Middle East conflicts. He can be reached at: danlan2000@att.net

www.palestinechronicle.com

Annapolis Meeting: Institutionalization of Racism

Dr. Haidar Eid, Special to PalestineChronicle.com

Money For Nothing

‎ Lawrence of Cyberia

Relatives of Na'el al-Kordi sit in the family house after his funeral in Gaza City, 17November 2007. (Wissam Nassar/MaanImages) November 19, 2007 Imagine there's a country in the Middle East (let's call it country "I") that is immediately next door to another country that we could, for the sake of argument, refer to as country "P". Imagine that for "security reasons", cancer doctors in country P cannot easily travel abroad for the training and networking that would keep their skills up to date; and that country I does not allow country P to import equipment that would provide radiation treatment to children with cancer, likewise for "security reasons" [Footnote]. So country P has to send its cancer patients to neighboring countries to receive advanced medical treatment. Country P pays for about five-sixths of its seriously-ill patients to be treated in country P's neighbors, Eg and Jo. Country P pays country I to provide medical treatment to the remaining one-sixth, even though the travel restrictions that country I imposes on the residents of country P means that they are sometimes reduced to carrying their desperately ill children to hospital on their backs, cross country. Imagine that country I pockets the money that country P pays it for cancer treatment, but when country P's child cancer patients arrive for treatment in country I, country I's doctors treat them cursorily with obsolete medical equipment that they no longer use to treat country I's own children with cancer. Of course, the children from country P die. When confronted, the doctors from country I blame the children's parents, saying that country P is a country of "fourth-rate" doctors and its parents shouldn't expect their children to receive first-rate medical care. And then read Toxic Treatment and discover that it's not your imagination at all, but there really is a country I that takes money from a country P, and in return provides substandard treatment to children with cancer. And the children with cancer are real too. Two of them are Farah Jamal Harma (aged 10), and Hayah Azam Abu-Qabatya (12), and they're dead. But remember: if doctors in Israel deliberately create a separate medical channel for Palestinians, which systematically gives them inferior treatment for life-threatening illnesses, you mustn't call this kind of system "apartheid", because that's "anti-semitic". And you mustn't question what kind of sick world-view produces doctors, doctors for heaven's sake, who think it acceptable to devise, implement and defend such a system, because the world-view in question is Zionism, and "anti-Zionism is anti-semitism". Footnote: A bleak picture has emerged for the members of Physicians for Human Rights-Israel who are researching the state of the health system in Gaza. It is unable to cope adequately with the diagnosis and treatment of cancer. For years, Israel has prevented Gaza Strip physicians from taking specialized training at Israeli hospitals. Under closure, Palestinian doctors from Gaza are prevented from leaving for specialized training and further study and medical students cannot complete their studies at universities in the West Bank and abroad. The report, which is made public here for the first time, reveals that medications are not arriving in the Gaza Strip with regularity and that patients are not managing to get to medical treatments. Essential equipment for the treatment of cancer, such as radiology equipment, does not exist in Gaza because of Israel's opposition - Health Inforum says the opposition stems from the use of radioactive materials in the treatment. (source)

Did you forget about Fallujah? Fallujah didn't forget

Wakeupfromyourslumbe

Take Action!

You can change the world in 2 minutes!!

http://www.updi.org/Index.htm

At this link you can sign a petition against war in Iran!

Every time USA and UE and ONU talks about sanctions against Iranian's Civil Nuclear Program the regime in this country gets harder depriving Iranian people of their human rights. The Iranians are already affected by the economic embargo, which had the only result to fortify the Theocratic Regime and to oppress civilians.

We already know what's happening in Iraq and Afghanistan and how those beautiful countries has been destroyed by war and how civilians are killed, mutilated and oppressed by these conflicts. We already know how many young soldiers have lose their lives in useless wars.

WE CAN'T GO ON THIS WAY

WE HAVE TO STOP WAR!

Love, Tessa.

AMY GOODMAN: For more on Ahmadinejad's visit, we're joined by two guests. Ervand Abrahamian is an Iran expert and CUNY Distinguished Professor of History at Baruch College here at the City University of New York. He's the author of several books on Iran, co-author of a new book from City Lights called Targeting Iran. And joining me from Washington, D.C. is Trita Parsi. He’s the president of the National Iranian American Council, the largest Iranian American organization in the United States, author of Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran and the United States.

First, Ervand Abrahamian, can you talk about the president's visit? Did anything he said -- this is Mahmoud Ahmadinejad -- surprise you?

ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I was surprised because he didn't really use the opportunity to try to lower the tempo, the serious problem we have now, which is we're at the abyss of war, basically. And there are people pushing for war in the next few months. And this would have been a very good opportunity to try to smooth things over, try to calm the tempo down.

And it's not just he who missed the opportunity. I think Bollinger missed the opportunity. In fact, Bollinger's speech was like a drumbeat for war. And most of the questions from the audience missed the opportunity. They dealt basically with important identity questions, but they didn't really deal with the issue that we are really on the abyss of war. And this is a far more serious issue than, you know, either ethnic or gender issues.

And he, actually, I think -- although he made some statements about Iran is not interested in nuclear weapons, he could have been more forthright and more categorical about the policies of Iran in terms of the nuclear project.

AMY GOODMAN: Does this remind you of Saddam Hussein before the war?

ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: It does. In fact, Ahmadinejad didn't say it last night -- yesterday, but his policy is that there is no likelihood of war, because no one in their right senses would think of invading or attacking Iran. And that's the premise he works on, which is, I think, a completely wrong premise, because he doesn't seem to understand American politics, the same people who gave us the war on Iraq, the same people who are running foreign policy now. But he begins from the premise that no one in their right senses would think of attacking Iran.

AMY GOODMAN: Trita Parsi, you have written a very interesting book, Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran and the United States. Can you take us back in time and talk about the relationship, the secret dealings, between these three countries?

TRITA PARSI: Israel has for a very long time been a critical factor in America's formulation of a policy vis-à-vis Iran. But what's really interesting is that the influence of Israel has gone in completely different directions, if we just go back fifteen years. During the 1980s, in spite of the Iranian Revolution, in spite of Ayatollah Khomeini’s many, many harsh remarks about Israel, far, far worse than what anything Ahmadinejad has said so far, Israel at the time was the country that was lobbying the United States to open up talks with Iran to try to rebuild the US-Iran relations, because of strategic imperatives that Israel had. Israel needed Iran, because it was fearing the Arab world and a potential war with the Arabs.

After 1991, ’92, that's when you see the real shift in Israeli-Iranian relations, because that's when the entire geopolitical map of the Middle East is redrawn. The Soviet Union collapses. The last standing army of the Arabs, that of Saddam Hussein, is defeated in the Persian Gulf War. And you have an entirely new security environment in the Middle East, in which the two factors, the Soviets and the Arabs, that had pushed Iran and Israel closer together suddenly evaporate. But as their security environment improves, they also start to realize that they may be ending up in a situation in which they can become potential threats to each other. And that's when you see how the Israelis shift 180 degrees. Now the Israeli argument was that the United States should not talk to Iran, because there is no such thing as Iranian moderates.

And ever since, the Israelis and the pro-Israel interest in the United States have lobbied to make sure that there is no dialogue or there’s no rapprochement between the United States and Iran. And the Iranians have done similar things. They have undermined every US foreign policy initiative in the Middle East that they feared would be beneficial to Israel. So the real shift in Israeli-Iranian relations come after the Cold War, not with the revolution in 1979.

AMY GOODMAN: But I also do want you to go right back to 1948 and talk about that period up to 1991. What were the secret relationships?

TRITA PARSI: Well, immediately after Israel was founded, Iran was actually one of the states on the committee at the UN who was preparing a plan, and they were against the partition. They were against the idea of creating two states. And Iran, at the time, said that this would lead to several decades of crisis. But once Israel was a fact, the Iranian government felt that because it was facing a hostile Arab world, as well as a very hostile Arab ideology, Pan-Arabism, Israel was a potential ally for the Iranians, particularly as Israel started to shift closer and closer to the Western camp and the United States. So throughout the ’50s, ’60s and ’70s, the Iranians and the Israelis were working very, very closely together, had a very robust alliance.

They tried to keep it secret. It wasn't necessarily very secret, but Iran never recognized Israel de jure. They recognized it de facto. They had an Israeli mission in Tehran, but they never permitted it to be called an embassy. They had an Israeli envoy to Tehran, but they never called him an ambassador. When the Israeli planes were landing at the Tehran airport, they created -- they built a specific tarmac off the airport for Israeli planes to land, so that no one would really see that there are so many El Al planes flying to Tehran. And the reason why the Iranians were doing this is because, on the one hand, they needed Israel as an ally because they were fearful of the Arab world, and, on the other hand, they felt that if they got too close to Israel, they would only fuel Arab anger towards Iran.

AMY GOODMAN: Trita Parsi, you have a number of revelations in your book. One of them is that the Iranian prime minister asked Israel permission to assassinate Khomeini. Describe the circumstance.

TRITA PARSI: Circumstances was right before the revolution, in which the Israelis were very, very concerned. They were fearful that the new regime would be very hostile to Israel, and they weren't certain that they would be able to build the same type of secret relations with Iran as they had during the time of the Shah. It later on turned out that they actually did have that ability, not to the same extent, but they still could do it.

But the Iranian prime minister was eager to be able to get rid of Khomeini, fearing -- thinking that by Khomeini being eliminated, the revolution would be able to move in a different direction. And he asked the Israelis if they could do it, because Khomeini at the time was in Paris; the Iranians did not have the ability to do anything, but they thought that perhaps the Israelis would. The Israeli answer was apparently that this is not Israel's job and that Israel is not the policemen of the world.

AMY GOODMAN: What about Israel reaching out to Saddam Hussein after the Gulf War?

TRITA PARSI: After the first Persian Gulf War, there was a thinking in Israel at the time that Saddam had now been weakened, he was no longer a real threat, and at the end of the day the real potential threat in the future, the rising power, was Iran. So the Israelis were trying to find different ways of being able to find some sort of a modus vivendi with Saddam Hussein.

This significantly angered the Clinton administration, that was pursuing a policy of isolating both Iran and Iraq at the same time, and they were very annoyed that the Israelis were trying to find some sort of a relationship with Saddam in the midst of all of that.

Now, the Israeli initiative didn't go anywhere, but it was guided by the thinking that Iran was going to be the major threat. And even though Iran at the time really was not a threat to Israel, Israel already at that time treated it as an actual threat.

AMY GOODMAN: The United States foiling Iran's plan to withdraw support from Hamas and Hezbollah.

TRITA PARSI: We talked about that before, that there was a 2003 proposal that the Iranians sent over to the United States trying to find a larger accommodation between the United States and Iran, in which they basically put all the different issues on the table, including an offer, within the framework of the negotiations, to disarm Hezbollah and turn it into a mere political organization -- had that happened, there would probably not have been a war last year between Israel and Lebanon -- secondly, to end all support for Islamic jihad and Hamas and encourage the Palestinians to go a political route, rather than military route, in their dealings with Israel.

But what’s revealed in the book, as well, that has not been out in the media a lot is that prior to giving this proposal to the United States, the Iranians were fishing it around in Europe, trying to create some support for it. And, most importantly, they went to places that they knew Israelis were going to be. And they were presenting the framework, the concept of this grand bargain, and they wanted to make sure that the Israelis felt that this would not be something that would come at their expense, because they were concerned that the Israelis would try to undermine it. So they were basically sending a signal: Look, if we can have this accommodation with the United States, we will disentangle and basically not be so involved in the Israeli-Palestinian issue anymore.

AMY GOODMAN: Trita Parsi is author of Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran and the United States. Our guest also, Ervand Abrahamian, Iran expert, Distinguished Professor at Baruch College. I wanted, Professor Abrahamian, to read from Juan Cole's piece, who says, talking about Ahmadinejad, “He has been depicted as a Hitler figure intent on killing Israeli Jews, even though he is not commander in chief of the Iranian armed forces, has never invaded any other country, denies he is an anti-Semite, has never called for any Israeli civilians to be killed, and allows Iran's 20,000 Jews to have representation in Parliament,” that Khamenei is the one with the real power.

ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: He is right on target, yes. I think Juan Cole sums it up. And the question is, then, why is basically in American politics so much focused on Ahmadinejad? I think he serves the function that Saddam Hussein played. He's an easy person to demonize. And yesterday's Bollinger's introduction, when he described him as a dictator, I think, shows how little people like Bollinger really know about the Iranian political system. One can call Ahmadinejad many things, but a dictator he is by no means. He can’t even -- he doesn't even have the power to appoint his own cabinet ministers. It's a presidency with very limited power. And to claim that he is in a position to threaten the United States or Israel is just bizarre, frankly. I think someone like Bollinger should know more about Iran before they sling around smears like terms such as “dictator.”

AMY GOODMAN: Well, talk about Khamenei, then, if he is the one with real power.

ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Here, again, he is, you can say, the Supreme Leader, but the Iranian system is actually very sort of a collective leadership. The foreign policy is made in a council, where the Supreme Leader appoints those members, but there are very different views there. And Ahmadinejad does not run that committee. Someone like Rafsanjani has a great deal of influence. The former President Khatami has a great deal of influence. And they are much more willing to negotiate.

In fact, they were, I think, the people who offered this grand bargain in 2003 to settle all the issues with the United States. And for reasons that are not clear, the White House just basically brushed it aside. They were not interested in pursuing this. And this is why it leads me to think that this administration is adamant in resolving the nuclear problem by military force, because if it was interested in resolving it through diplomacy, there were offers made to them to follow that route, and they have very consciously decided not follow the diplomatic routes. So if you don't follow the diplomatic route, the only other route there is is the military route. And, of course, it’s only a question of time when they decide on air strikes.

AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to ask you, Trita Parsi, about this Newsweek magazine report that says that Vice President Cheney considered provoking an exchange of military strikes between Iran and Israel in order to give the US a pretext to attack Iran. A few months before he quit, the Middle East Adviser to Cheney, David Wurmser, told a small group of people that Cheney had been mulling the idea of pushing for limited Israeli missile strikes against the Iranian nuclear site at Natanz and perhaps other sites, in order to provoke Tehran into lashing out. Citing two knowledgeable sources, Newsweek put out this report. Your response?

TRITA PARSI: I think it's definitely a plausible scenario, because one thing that we know for certain, with great certainty, is that the Israelis lack the military capability to take out Iran's nuclear program. They can attack it, but they cannot destroy it. And the only thing that it would result to is some sort of Iranian retaliation, which would then suck the United States right into the conflict, because the United States would not be able to stand without it -- outside of it, and obviously many elements in the White House would probably prefer to immediately get into it.

One of the things that I describe in the book that I think is extremely important is that when you take a look at how Iran has made its decisions vis-à-vis Israel, it's actually been geopolitical and strategic factors that have been driving their decisions. It’s not been ideology. And I think this is a critical point, because right now you have a metaphor being presented by Bibi Netanyahu, the leader of the Likud Party, in which he's saying that it's 1938 and Iran is Germany. And then he goes on to imply that Ahmadinejad is Hitler. If we accept that premise, that it is 1938, that Iran is Germany and Ahmadinejad is Hitler, then who, which leader, in his or her right mind, would want to play the role of Neville Chamberlain? It's a metaphor whose premise basically puts us in a situation in which conflict is completely inevitable. And there's no other way, because negotiations and diplomacy simply cannot be pursued.

Fortunately, this is a false premise. Iran and Israel and the United States and Israel are not engaged in an ideological zero-sum game battle. This is a strategic rivalry. It is solvable, but it requires a tremendous amount of diplomacy to be able to find a way out of it. And unfortunately, right now, diplomacy is the last thing that one can describe the foreign policies of these countries, particularly the Bush administration.

AMY GOODMAN: I interviewed exiled Iranian activist Azar Derakhshan earlier this summer. She's the editor of the Women of March 8 magazine and helped organize the 2006 European march against anti-women laws in Iran. I just want to play an excerpt from my conversation with her. This is Azar Derakhshan.

AZAR DERAKHSHAN: I have seen a portrait in the media, Western media. In the media, there is two sides. There is the United States and government of Iran. There are clashes. And the people, the voice of people is absent completely. And the opinion of -- foreigner opinion, they think that this thing, the future of Iran is going to be decided by these two powers.

I try to tell to the people in foreigner countries, in European countries, it's not true, this portrait. There is another fact, very important. The people of Iran, the movement, they are going to take the future. They are not forced to choose between neither the United States, neither the government of Iran. There is another force in Iran. If really somebody wants to prevent the war, the clashes, should be support this movement, this movement for equality, for freedom.

We don't need United States to liberate us. First of all, we are here, and this is our legitimate to liberate ourselves. We want to decide about our future ourselves. We want to fight our native enemy by ourselves. We don’t need -- that’s first. Second one, we already have seen, because Afghanistan and Iraq, they are neighbor of Iran. And the women of Iran, they can see it. Maybe before, not, but right now it’s really -- it’s enough to know what kind of program they have for the people of Iran.

AMY GOODMAN: Iranian dissident, Azar Derakhshan. Professor Abrahamian, your response?

ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Well, I think she's right in that there are -- Iran is a very complicated society. There are very different political movements. And the idea that somehow it's a frozen system, that it's not going to change, already precludes any type of possibility of negotiations and changes. In fact, the Iranian system has an electoral system -- is and electoral system. We are going to come up with elections very soon. There is no guarantee that Ahmadinejad would be re-elected again. It's very possible that reformers, liberals, would get in into power again.

AMY GOODMAN: When is the election?

ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: In less than two years' time. And the base, in fact, of Ahmadinejad’s -- I would say the core base -- is very similar to Bush's core base. It's about 25%. For him to get re-elected, he has to stretch out and find independents and others, and this is going to be very hard. If the reformers can actually rally around one candidate, as they did in the 1990s, they could have landslide victories, in which over 70% of the electorate was voting for liberals and reformers.

AMY GOODMAN: And what direction would a US attack on Iran push the election?

ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Oh, it would play right into the hands of Ahmadinejad, because you would have a national emergency. He would declare, basically, the country's in danger. Everyone would have to rally around the flag. People who disliked him would keep their mouth shut. At a time of when the existence of the state is in question, you don't mess around with the leaders. He would basically be able to act as a much more of a strongman national leader.

AMY GOODMAN: Trita Parsi, you've had unusual access to US decision makers, Israeli decision makers, Iranian leaders. What is your sense of a strike, the US or Israel, on Iran? Is it imminent?

TRITA PARSI: Well, I don't think an Israeli strike is imminent, unless there is some sort of coordination with the United States with the aim of being able to draw the US into the conflict. I do believe that some sort of a conflict between the United States and Iran is quite probable right now, mindful of the lack of diplomacy that is taking place.

And I also do believe that this is not necessarily something that will go away automatically just because there's going to be a change of government in the United States within the next two years. Many of the decisions that are made right now have the impact of limiting the maneuverability of future administrations. We're making it more and more difficult, not only for this administration, but also for future administrations, to pursue diplomacy.

And what we're seeing in the Middle East right now is not necessarily just a conflict over what's going on in Iraq or about Iran's nuclear program. This is a conflict that, at the end of the day, is about two powerhouses in the region, and it's a conflict about hegemony, for lack of a better word.

And these type of shifts, with the United States currently declining and finding itself in a more and more difficult situation in Iraq and with Iran finding itself in a stronger position and acting very, very confidently, these type of shifts historically do not take place peacefully, unless there is a tremendous amount of diplomacy. And again, we're not seeing that right now.

And I’m very concerned that even if we manage to avoid war for the next two years, the next US administration may find itself in a position in which its maneuverability is so limited that the military option once again becomes a very viable one for them.

AMY GOODMAN: Could Ahmadinejad be playing a game like Saddam Hussein, where if it is clear he doesn't have nuclear weapons, he's weaker, the US would be more likely to attack? He looks at the example of North Korea, where they do have nuclear weapons, and now the US is just pursuing a diplomatic option?

TRITA PARSI: I think there's a combination of two. On the one hand, I think a lot of his statements and his behavior is aimed to be a deterrent against the United States. He's acting confident, and he's talking about the United States not being able to attack. This is a way of saying that the US can't do it, and if you do it, you will face a tremendously difficult situation. So he's doing this partly, too, as a deterrence. It has the negative impact of scaring the daylights out of a lot of people, including a lot of Iran's neighbors that are now gravitating towards the United States's position, because they are very fearful of what Ahmadinejad may be capable of doing.

At the same time, I do believe that, to a certain extent, but not fully, he has actually convinced himself that Iran is in such a strong position, the United States is in such a weak position, that it can't do it. But I think it's a combination of these two. And I think it's important to keep in mind that most of the belligerence that he's doing is probably for the purpose of deterrence, not necessarily as an offensive strategy.

AMY GOODMAN: Iran's role in Iraq?

TRITA PARSI: Sorry?

AMY GOODMAN: Iran's role in Iraq?

TRITA PARSI: I think the Iranians have played a game in Iraq in which they basically have invested in every potential faction in Iraq, making sure that whoever comes up on top is going to be a player who has strong relations with Iran, because it's in Iran’s hardcore national interest to make sure that Iraq never again becomes a hostile state, so they never have to experience the eight-year war that they had with Iraq in the 1980s. So, again, I think we're seeing a policy by the Iranian government there that is quite independent of whether Ahmadinejad is in power or not. It's probably something that another Iranian government would be pursuing, as well, at least under this regime that we're having in Iran right now.

And I think the only way for the United States to be able to find a way out of Iraq is not only to talk to the Iranians, but really include all of the other neighbors of Iraq into the process, giving these neighbors not only a stake in the outcome, but also a stake in the process itself. We have a tremendous amount of problems with what the Saudis are doing in Iraq and also what the Jordanians are doing. We're not talking about that at all. On the contrary, we’re just focusing on Iran's role.

AMY GOODMAN: Saudi's role, very briefly?

TRITA PARSI: Saudi’s role -- well, a military report just came out about two months ago -- it was leaked in the LA Times -- that showed that about 45% of all the suicide bombers in Iraq are Saudi nationals. We've known for quite some time that there's a lot of money flowing into Iraq from Saudi Arabia that is going to the Sunni insurgents, because their belief is that they're fighting a war against Sunnis and Shiites in Iraq. We're not talking about that.

On the contrary, Saudi Arabia got praised by Ambassador Crocker during his testimony. And I think it's a very one-sided way of looking at the problems we're facing in Iraq. And as long as we pursue a very political perspective on the Iraqi situation, then I fear that we will continue to be in a rather difficult mess over there.

AMY GOODMAN: Trita Parsi, I want to thank you very much for being with us.

TRITA PARSI: Thank you so much for having me.

AMY GOODMAN: Your book, Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran and the United States. And a final question for Professor Abrahamian: Are you afraid for your people? Are you afraid for the people of Iran?

ERVAND ABRAHAMIAN: Yes. I’m very much concerned that in the next few months there will be air strikes. I think what we saw before with Iraq, we are having a rerun of that, very much the same rhetoric. Tthe same type of people are pushing for war and using even the same sort of arguments that often -- unsubstantiated arguments blown out of proportion. For instance, the constant drumbeat that Iran is actually supplying weaponry to the insurgents that are killing Americans, this is basically saying that Iran has already declared war on the United States. When you try to actually pin down what is the evidence for that, it boils down to the yellowcake stories and the stuff about Saddam Hussein being behind al-Qaeda. Until the United States actually gets real evidence that Iran is providing lethal weapons to the insurgents, I would not accept any of those arguments at face value.

AMY GOODMAN: Professor Abrahamian, thank you, as well, for being with us. Ervand Abrahamian is author of the book Targeting Iran.

By Amira Hass, Haaretz Correspondent

The Shin Bet is refusing to allow a 21-year-old Rafiah man who is sick with cancer and in need of immediate medical care to come to Israel, even though he obtained permission from the Israeli Defense Forces' Coordination and Liaison Administration.

The Shin Bet also arrested the patient's father, who accompanied him to the hospital.

Mahmoud Abu Taha was diagnosed with cancer of the small intestine in August 2007. Treatment in Gaza was unsuccessful, and he lost a third of his body weight. In addition, he is not taking all of the vitamins he needs because of the shortage of medications in Gazan hospitals.

Because of his serious condition, the doctors decided to postpone chemotherapy and send him to Tel HaShomer hospital in Ramat Gan. According to Mahmoud's brother, Hanni Abu Taleh, on October 18, they received permission shortly after they filed a request with the IDF. The father and his sick son drove in an ambulance to Erez Crossing, and after a half-hour wait, the father's name was called on the loudspeaker.

According to the brother, the patient continued to wait in the ambulance, lying on a stretcher and attached to an oxygen tank and an infusion. After two hours, it was announced on the loudspeaker that he was denied entrance into Israel.

They returned to the hospital in Khan Yunis. At the same time, a person who identified himself as an officer with the Shin Bet called Hanni and told him that his father had been arrested.

The family filed another request for Mahmoud to come for medical treatment at Tel HaShomer, but they still have not received a reply.

The Shin Bet maintains that "Abu Taha arrived at the Erez Crossing during a specific warning of a terror attack at the border crossing. Due to the fact that it was not allowed to carry out a security check on him, he was prevented from exiting to Israel."

The Shin Bet also said that the father of Mahmoud was arrested on suspicion of involvement in terror acitivites.

Related articles:

·  Israel refuses entry to 6 Gazans in urgent need of medical care

·  Rights group: Shin Bet denies vital treatment to Palestinians

Israeli Ritual Murder - Missions Continues on Gaza Strip

Hiyam Noir, PalestineFreeVoice

Carrying the Martyrs of Israeli Crimes Heavy Burden on Thin Shoulders Photo Fady Adwan PalestineFreeVoice November 4 2007 November 4, 2007 The Israeli murder-missions over Gaza Strip, the incursions and arbitrary arrests on the West Bank continues unabated. - The Israeli direct involvement of the war-crimes in Iraq. The Israeli campaign of daily threats to Iran. The Israeli attacks on Syrian sovereign territories last month. is clear evidence of that peace and stability in the Middle East is not on the Zionist agenda - quite the contrary. The Zionist Entity, "Israel " is proving ground,testing devises,new equipment and lethal weapons on the Arab Muslims in the entire Middle East.Using its hegemonic theories, how they as individuals and group can maintain or increase a capacity of dominance. The Zionist Israelis strategy is to persuade, subordinate and oppress to a state of meekness and fear.Reign in a mixture of *coercion and *hegemony. - Using violent force on the entire world to adopt and internalize their values and norms that is, their theory of the world. - Scatter other religions and cultures, then finalise their criminal attempt - decimate or get rid of the resistance in neighboring countries and an increasing political opposition against the Zionist's widespread dominance - and its [ritual] assassinations of the Palestinian people, occupation and destruction of Palestinian lands. """ """ """ On Sunday morning,Israeli warplanes killed four Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.Two Israeli bomb shell hit a group of innocent people eastern Jabalyia Camp close to the Naser Factory. Three factory workers were killed, also the 25 year old Hisham Khaddoura, soldier in the Palestinian resistance organisation of Islamic Jihad " Al Quds Brigade ". Muhammad Abid 23 activist in AlQuds Brigade,was injured. The Zionist "Israel" warplane - attacks with lethal weapons ( Uran carrying missiles) left dozens of other Gaza Strip Palestinians wounded.The poor bodies of the three factory workers were "cut into pieces" when they arrived at the Al-Udwan and Al-Awda hospitals in the northern Gaza.The victims were later identified as Zaher Al-Ar 40, Zahers son Yousef Al-Ar 17, and Muhammad Abu Harbeid 23. In the northern parts of the Gaza Strip, the little town of Biet Hanoun was shelled from the ground - many of the wounded could not be evacuated.The heavy wild Zionists attacks from air and ground made it too difficult to reach for ambulances with paramedic crews and doctors.The Gaza Strip government and its Interior Ministry has condemned the attack, calling again on the international community to constrain the Israeli governments aggression, [ritual assassination- campaigns ] against the Palestinian people. The Zionists attack on Sunday on the Gaza Strip, in disregard for the lives of the Palestinian people - also amounted another new disaster.The attacks was cutting of vital supplies of electricity and fuel, to the already heavy burden adding more of pain or distress for the Palestinian population of the Gaza Strip. Updated Gaza Strip report 3.24 ____ *Coercion;actual infliction of physical or psychological harm in order to enhance the credibility of a threat.The threat of further harm may then lead to the cooperation or obedience of the individual or group being coerced. *Hegemony; Socio-Political power. ______ © Copyright reserved 2003 - 2007 PalestineFreeVoice

HAMAS IS NOT AN OCCUPIER ~~ ISRAEL IS

Desert Peace

Weekly Report: On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory No. 44/2007 ( 01 - 07 Nov. 2007 )

PCHR - Palestinian Centre for Human Rights

A guardroom in Jabalya which was shelled by Israeli Occupation Forces, killing 3 Palestinians. November 8, 2007 Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) Continue Systematic Attacks on Palestinian Civilians and Property in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT)   5 Palestinians, including a man and his child, were killed by IOF in the Gaza Strip. 18 Palestinians, including 3 children, were wounded by IOF. IOF conducted 24 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and 2 ones into the Gaza Strip. IOF arrested 68 Palestinian civilians, including 10 children and a woman, in the West Bank. IOF arrested Hatem Qafisha, Member of the Palestinian Legislative Council, in Hebron. IOF razed at least 80 donums[1] of agricultural land and destroyed 9 houses in the Gaza Strip. IOF destroyed a house in Balata refugee camp near Nablus. IOF transformed 3 houses in Hebron. IOF have continued to impose a total siege on the OPT. IOF have isolated the Gaza Strip from the outside world and a humanitarian crisis has emerged. IOF have continued settlement activities in the West Bank and Israeli settlers have continued to attacks Palestinian civilians and property.     Summary Israeli violations of international law and humanitarian law continued in the OPT during the reporting period (1 – 7 November 2007): Shooting: During the reporting period, IOF killed 5 Palestinians, including a man and his son, in the Gaza Strip and wounded 18 others in the Gaza Strip. In the Gaza Strip, on IOF killed 5 Palestinians and wounded 14 others, including a child. On 3 November, 2007, IOF shelled a Palestinian police station in Rafah, killing a policeman and wounding 3 others. On 4 November 2007, IOF killed 4 Palestinian civilians, including a man and his son, and wounded 2 others, including a child, when they shelled a guardroom of a factory of concrete in the northern Gaza Strip. Additionally, 9 Palestinians were wounded by IOF gunfire in others attacks in the Gaza Strip. In the West Bank, IOF wounded 3 Palestinian civilians, including 2 children, in 'Azzoun village, east of Qalqilya, and Kufor Dan village, west of Jenin. Incursions: During the reporting period, IOF conducted at least 24 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank. During those incursions, IOF arrested 68 Palestinian civilians, including 7 children and a woman. Thus, the number of Palestinians arrested by IOF in the West Bank since the beginning of this year has mounted to 2,329. During the reporting period, IOF transformed 3 houses in Hebron into military sites. In the Gaza Strip, IOF conducted 2 incursions into Palestinian communities. During those incursions, IOF destroyed 3 houses completely and 4 others partially, transformed a number of houses into military sites, razed at least 80 donums of agricultural land. They also interrogated scores of Palestinian civilians after taking them to military sites at the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel.   Restrictions on Movement: IOF have continued to impose a tightened siege on the OPT and imposed severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.   Gaza Strip IOF have continued to close all border crossings of the Gaza Strip for nearly 17 months. The total siege imposed by IOF on the Gaza Strip has left disastrous impacts on the humanitarian situation and has violated the economic and social rights of the Palestinian civilian population, particularly the rights to appropriate living conditions, health and education. It has also paralyzed most economic sectors. Furthermore, severe restrictions have been imposed on the movement of the Palestinian civilian population. Moreover, the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip has severely impacted the flow of food, medical supplies and other necessities such as fuel, construction materials and raw materials for various economic sectors. IOF have further tightened the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip since Hamas’ takeover of the Gaza Strip, and the living and economic conditions of Palestinian civilians have further deteriorated. During the reporting period, the Israeli government declared the Gaza Strip as "an enemy entity," which implies imposing more restrictions and measures of collective punishment against the Palestinian civilian population.  On 19 September 2007, the Israeli government declared the Gaza Strip as "an enemy entity" and accordingly measures of collective punishment against Gaza escalated. Since that time, IOF have limited the goods exported to the Gaza Strip to only 9 basic materials. As a consequence, local markets ran out of many goods, which caused a sharp increase in prices, which mounted to 500% for some goods. Israeli occupation forces have banned the flow of some medicines, furniture, electrical appliances, cows and cigarettes into the Gaza Strip, and have decreased the amounts of some goods allowed into the Gaza Strip, such as fruits, milk and some dairy products. IOF have also continued to impose severe restrictions on fishing in the Gaza Strip.   West Bank IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians to and from Jerusalem. Thousands of Palestinian civilians from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have been denied access to the city. IOF have established many checkpoints around and inside the city. Restrictions of the movement of Palestinian civilians often escalate on Fridays to prevent them from praying at the al-Aqsa Mosque. IOF often violently beat Palestinian civilians who attempt to bypass checkpoints and enter the city. IOF have also tightened the siege imposed on Palestinian communities in the West Bank. They have isolated Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank. IOF positioned at various checkpoints in the West Bank have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. IOF also erected more checkpoints on the main roads and intersections in the West Bank. Settlement Activities: Israeli settlers living in the OPT in violation of international humanitarian law have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property. On Friday evening, 2 November 2007, Israeli settlers from "Kiryat Arba" and "Kharsina" settlements, southeast of Hebron, attacked 4 Palestinian houses opposite to the settlements with stones and empty bottles. The houses were damaged and their residents were extremely terrified. IOF troops were present in the area, but did not intervene to stop the attack.   Israeli Violations Documented during the Reporting Period (1 – 7 November 2007)   Incursions into Palestinian Areas and Attacks on Palestinian Civilians and Property in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip   Thursday, 1 November 2007 At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into the Eastern al-Mazra’a village, northwest of Ramallah. They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested 9 Palestinian civilians, including 4 children: Sameer Mohammed Shraitah, 55; Mo’tassem Saleh Shraitah, 15; Mohammed Mahmoud Ladadwa, 60; Saleem Ahmed 'Aayesh, 30; Sa’id Mousa al-Sheikh, 15; Mo’ayad 'Abdullah Shraitah, 17; 'Aayesh Ibrahim Ladadwa, 22; Mohammed 'Aayesh Ladadwa, 56; and Saleh Ahmed Shraitah, 15.   At approximately 02:15, IOF moved into Nablus and the neighboring Balata refugee camp. They raided ands earched a number of houses and arrested 3 Palestinian civilians: 'Omar 'Atallah al-Teerawi, 40; 'Abdul Karim Zaqqout, 22; and Mohammed Jamal Hashash, 19.   At approximately 08:15, IOF troops withdrew from 'Azzoun village, east of Qalqilya, into which they had moved on Wednesday evening, 31 October 2007. During that incursion, IOF troops imposed a curfew and fired at Palestinian civilians and property. Two Palestinian children were wounded: 'Awni Faisal Mousa, 13, wounded by a rubber-coated metal bullet to the chest; and Ahmed Nazeeh Khlaif, 14, hit by a fire bomb to the back. At approximately 08:40, IOF troops that had already moved into the Bedouin Village in the northern Gaza Strip fired a tank shell at a number of Palestinian civilians who were gathering remnants in the area. Six civilians were wounded: Fat’hi Yassin Rihan, 50, from Jabalya, wounded by shrapnel to the feet; Mohammed Mahmoud al-Za’anin, 30, from Beit Hanoun, wounded by shrapnel; 'Atallah 'Omar Sha’ban, 18, from Jabalya, wounded by shrapnel to the left foot; Shihda Mahmoud Abu Jabala, 25, from Jabalya, wounded by shrapnel to the right hand; Ibrahim Mohammed Abu Ghazal, 43, from Um al-Nasser village, wounded by shrapnel to the right foot; and 'Ata 'Abed Khader, 20, from Jabalya, wounded by a gunshot to the right foot. At approximately 15:00, IOF troops pulled back from al-Shouka village, east of Rafah, into which they had moved on Tuesday, 30 October 2007. As a result of shooting by IOF on that day, 2 Palestinian civilians were wounded: Mohammed Nabeel al-Soufi, 23, a policeman, wounded by shrapnel to the legs; and Mahdi Jom’a Abu 'Aathra, 18, wounded by shrapnel throughout the body.   IOF also destroyed 2 houses: A 150-square-meter, asbestos-roofed house belonging to Subhi Saleem Abu Jarad, in which 7 individuals used to live; A 140-square-meter, asbestos-roofed house belonging to Fawzi Saleem Abu Jarad, in which 13 individuals used to live. Additionally, IOF arrested Saleh Mohammed Abu Shousha, 38. At approximately 16:00, IOF troops permanently positions in the center and south of Hebron raided and searched 3 Palestinian houses in al-Masharqa and Wadi al-Nassara neighborhood in the southeast of Hebron, and transformed them into military sites. They continued to occupy those houses for 3 days allegedly to ensure protection of Israeli settlers. At approximately 19:30, IOF moved into Sarra village, southwest of Nablus. They raided and searched a number of houses. During this incursion, IOF troops violently beat 5 Palestinian civilians, including 2 children: Wa’el Adeeb Deeb, 14, sustained cuts to the head; Sabri 'Aaref 'Aawadh, 38, injured to the head; Diaa’ Taleb Ghanem, sustained cuts to the head; Nabeel Mohammed 'Abdullah, 17, injured to the mouth; and Moahmmed 'Abdul Ra’ouf 'Abdullah, 22.    Friday, 2 November 2007 At approximately 02:45, IOF moved into Nablus and the neighboring 'Ein Beit al-Maa’ refugee camp. They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested Murad Radhi Abu Namous, 22. At approximately 19:00, IOF moved into 'Azzoun village, east of Qalqilya, and imposed a curfew. They raided and searched dozens of houses and arrested 3 Palestinian civilians, including 2 children: Qussai Hussam Sawan, 15; Nidal Yousef 'Abdullah, 15; and Hasan Ghassan Swaidan, 18.   Saturday, 3 November 2007 At approximately 00:00, an IOF aircraft fired a missile at a police station in Msabbeh neighborhood in the north of Rafah. A policeman, 22-year-old Mohammed Harabi Siam, was instantly killed by shrapnel throughout the body. Three other policemen were wounded: Ussama Mahmoud al-Khayat, 30, wounded by shrapnel throughout the body; Shafeeq Selmi 'Oukal, 23, wounded by shrapnel to the legs; and As’ad Mas’oud al-Nejdi, 24, wounded by shrapnel to the left foot. At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Tulkarm town and refugee camp. They raided and searched scores of houses, but no arrests were reported.   Sunday, 4 November 2007 At approximately 00:00, IOF moved into Yatta village, south of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to the family of 'Ali Bader Rabbaa’, 20, and arrested him. At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Tulkarm. They raided and searched a number of houses, but no arrests were reported. In the morning, IOF killed 4 Palestinian civilians and wounded 2others, including a child, when they shelled twice a guardroom at the entrance of a factory of concrete in the northern Gaza Strip. A field worker and volunteer working at PCHR survived the second attack, which took place only 30 seconds after they had left the place. According to investigations conducted by PCHR, at approximately 07:15, an IOF aircraft fired a missile at a guardroom at the entrance of al-Nasser Factory of Concrete in the east of Jabalya town in the northern Gaza Strip. As a result, the guard, his son and a worker were killed: Zaher Salman Salim al-'Err, 38, the guard; Ashraf Zaher Salman al-'Err, 18, his son; and Mohammed Suleiman Abu Harbeed, 28, a worker. Additionally, a passing civilian, 23-year-old Wajdi Ibrahim Abu Ehmaidan, was lightly wounded to the right leg and arm. At approximately 08:35, IOF fired a surface-to-surface missile at the same place as people gathered to check the outcome of the first attacks. As a result, Hashem 'Eid Khaddoura, 20, was killed, and Muhannad Mahmoud 'Aabed, 15, was seriously wounded by shrapnel throughout the body. PCHR’s field worker in the northern Gaza Strip reported that the targeted guardroom is located nearly 50 meters away from a place from where home-made rockets are launched. The second attack came only half a minute after PCHR’s field worker and a volunteer has left the place. Khaddoura and 'Aabed were seen near rocket launchers and did not respond to warnings by PCHR’s field worker and other people in the area. At approximately 16:30, IOF troops positioned at the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel, eats of Deir al-Balah, opened fire at 4 Palestinian farmers who were cultivating vegetables nearly 200 meters away from the border. One of the farmers, 19-year-old Mohammed Fu’ad al-Ma’ni, was wounded by a gunshot to the right thigh.   Monday, 5 November 2007 At approximately 00:30, IOF moved into Tulkarm refugee camp. They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested Mohammed Jameel Bidu, 24, a member of the Palestinian National Security Forces. Also at approximately 00:30, IOF moved into Thinnaba suburb, east of Tulkarm. They raided and searched a number of houses, but no arrests were reported. At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into 'Azzoun village, east of Qalqilya. They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested 3 Palestinian civilians: 'Odai Hamza 'Enaya, 21; Ahmed Yousef Salama, 19; and 'Alaa’ Bassem Hussein, 20. At approximately 13:45, an IOF undercover unit moved into the eastern part of Jenin, traveling in a civilian vehicle with a Palestinian registration plate. The unit besieged a house belonging to Tariq Jom’a Abu Ghali. Soon after, IOF military vehicles moved into the area to support the undercover unit. They besieged the house, fired at it and ordered its residents to get out. This military operation continued until 16:00, during which time IOF troops arrested Fadi Mohammed Jalamna, 24.   Tuesday, 6 November 2007 At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Wad al-Hariya neighborhood in the south of Hebron. They raided and searched a house belonging to Hatem Rabah Qafisha, 46, a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council representing Hamas, and arrested him. Also at approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Jenin. They raided and searched a number of houses, but no arrests were reported. At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into Qabatya village, southeast of Jenin. They raided and searched a number of houses, but no arrests were reported. At approximately 02:15, IOF moved into Nablus. They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested 7 Palestinian civilians, including a child: Ahmed Mohammed Abu al-'Eish, 17; Sheikh Maher al-Kharraz, 55; Ghaith Ghassan 'Awawda, 23; Mohammed 'Ammar Abu Saleh, 19; Jalal Mahmoud al-Halbouni, 33; Mahmoud Rayeq Kalbouna, 23; and 'Alaa’ Jameel Ghunaim, 25.   Wednesday, 7 November 2007 At approximately 01:00, IOF moved into Qalqilya. They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested 2 Palestinian civilians: Ibrahim Yousef Miskawi, 30; and Nour Ahmed Jo’aidi, 25. At approximately 01:30, IOF moved into al-Hawoz area in Hebron. They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested Khalil Ahmed al-Ja’ba, 22. At approximately 01:45, IOF moved into Jenin. They besieged a house belonging to Jom’a Abu Ghali, 60, in al-Almaniya neighborhood. They called on residents of the house through megaphones to get out and they did. IOF troops interrogated the residents about the owner’s son, Tariq, who is allegedly wanted. They threatened to destroy the house if he did not surrender to them. Before their withdrawal from the area, IOF troops arrested the owner and his other son, 33-year-old Ramzi, to pressure Tariq to surrender. It is worth noting that IOF troops raided the same house 2 days earlier and arrested Fadi Mohammed Jalamna, 24. At approximately 02:00, IOF moved nearly 1,500 meters into Wadi al-Salqa village in the central Gaza Strip. They raided and searched a number of houses and transformed them into military sites. They then razed at least 80 donums of agricultural land planted with olives, citrus and vegetables, and destroyed 3 houses completely and 4 others partially. They also took at least 50 civilians to the border between the Gaza Strip and Israel for interrogation. IOF withdrew from the village at approximately 21:00. At approximately 02:15, IOF moved into Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus. They besieged a house belonging to the family of Hani Mohammed Ka’ba, 24. They ordered residents of the house through megaphones to get out and they did. IOF troops interrogated the residents of the house about Hani who was not there. At approximately 04:30, IOF destroyed the first floor of the house, rendering the upper floors uninhabitable. During this incursion, IOF raided and searched many houses and arrested 30 Palestinian civilians, including 3 children and a woman. At approximately 02:30, IOF moved into Beit Ummar village, north of Hebron. They raided and searched a number of houses and arrested Bassam Ibrahim 'Alama, 19. At approximately 03:45, IOF moved into Kufor Dan village, west of Jenin. They patrolled in the streets and opened fire. A number of Palestinian boys gathered and threw stones at IOF military vehicles. Immediately, IOF troops fired at them wounding 18-year-old Firas Mohammed Mar’ei with a gunshot to the back.   Continued Siege on the OPT IOF have continued to impose a tightened siege on the OPT and imposed severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including Occupied East Jerusalem.   Gaza Strip IOF have continued to close all border crossings of the Gaza Strip for nearly 17 months. The total siege imposed by IOF on the Gaza Strip has left disastrous impacts on the humanitarian situation and has violated the economic and social rights of the Palestinian civilian population, particularly the rights to appropriate living conditions, health and education. It has also paralyzed most economic sectors. Furthermore, severe restrictions have been imposed on the movement of the Palestinian civilian population. Moreover, the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip has severely impacted the flow of food, medical supplies and other necessities such as fuel, construction materials and raw materials for various economic sectors. IOF have further tightened the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip since Hamas’ takeover of the Gaza Strip, and the living and economic conditions of Palestinian civilians have further deteriorated. During the reporting period, the Israeli government declared the Gaza Strip as "an enemy entity," which implies imposing more restrictions and measures of collective punishment against the Palestinian civilian population.  Rafah International Crossing Point: Rafah International Crossing Point on the Egyptian border is the sole outlet for the Gaza Strip to the outside world. IOF have closed Rafah International Crossing Point, even though they do not directly control it. They have prevented European observers working at the crossing point form reaching it. The crossing point has been closed since 25 June 2006. During the reporting period, the crossing point was not reopened.  There are approximately 6,000 Palestinians held at the Egyptian side of the border awaiting to return to their homes in the Gaza Strip. Most of them have run out of money and are living on assistance. In addition, 19 of them have died in Egypt. The bodies were returned to Gaza through the Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shalom) crossing. In addition, thousands of travelers have allowed to return to the Gaza Strip through al-Ojah crossing, 8 kilometers to the east of Rafah International Crossing Point. From there, they were transported to Erez Checkpoint to enter the Gaza Strip.  Hundreds Palestinian civilians who have residencies in other countries were allowed to travel out of the Gaza Strip the same way. Beit Hanoun (Erez) Crossing: IOF have completely closed Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing, which links the Gaza Strip with Israel and the West Bank.  Before this latest closure, IOF had prevented Palestinian workers from reaching their work places inside Israel through Beit Hanoun (Erez) crossing.  Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip had been prevented from traveling through this crossing.  IOF have allowed international workers to pass through the crossing.  With this closure, few Palestinian patients have been able to travel to hospitals in Israel and the West Bank. IOF have allowed nearly 400 traders to pass through the crossing. IOF have also continued to prevent members of the Palestinian Legislative Council representing Hamas from traveling to the West Bank and Jerusalem. According to Palestinians who traveled through the crossing, IOF impose the same restrictions on their movement as in the past. IOF have decreased the number of patients allowed to travel through the crossing for alleged security claims, even though those patients do not pose any threat to the security of Israelis and they are badly in need for advanced medical treatment. Patients who are allowed to pass through the crossing are forced to wait for long hours to undergo complicated passage and security procedures. They are thoroughly checked in a humiliating manner. Patients are also forced to pay additional financial expenses to use Israeli ambulances to transport them from the crossing to hospitals since Palestinian ambulances are banned from transporting patients.   Al-Mentar (Karni) Commercial Crossing: During the reporting period, IOF partially reopened the crossing for several hours on one day only to allow the entry of some goods. Nahal Ouz crossing: It is designed for the entry of fuels into the Gaza Strip. The amounts of fuels allowed into the Gaza Strip have been decreased starting from Sunday, 28 October 2007. Sofa Crossing: It has been closed for the second successive week.   Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shalom): During the reporting period, the crossing was partially opened for 2 days to allow the entry of some goods. PCHR is following up with utmost concern the deterioration to the economic and social conditions resulted from the total siege imposed by Israeli occupation authorities on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, especially the Gaza Strip. PCHR is worried from further deterioration of the living conditions of the Palestinian civilian population if the recommendations of the security committee were implemented, as at least 60% of the Palestinian civilian population would be deprived of electricity supplies and many civilian facilities that provide vital services would stop providing services to the civilian population due to the lack of electricity supplies. The closure of border crossings deprives the Palestinian civilian population in the Gaza Strip of their right to freedom of movement, education and health. IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on fishing in the Gaza Strip. Following the attack on IOF on 25 June 2006, IOF prevented fishing. Approximately 35,000 people in and around Gaza’s coastal communities rely on the fishing industry, including 2,500 fishermen, 2,500 support staff and their families. Fishermen have been subjected to intensive monitoring by IOF, which use helicopter gunships and gunboats to monitor the fishermen. The Oslo Accords allow Palestinian fishermen to go fishing up to 20 nautical miles away from the Gaza seashore. At approximately 06:00 on Monday, 5 November 2007, IOF naval troops arrested 4 Palestinian fishermen opposite to Rafah seashore: Khaled 'Ali al-Bardawil, 33; 'Ali Sameer al-Bardawil, 22; Mohammed 'Aadel al-Bardawil, 16; and Ahmed Jom’a Abu Sulaima, 19. They forced the fishermen to jump out of their boat into the water and swim towards the IOF gunboat. IOF naval troops took the fishermen to Ashdod Harbor and interrogated them. The fishermen were released in the evening.   The West Bank IOF have imposed a tightened siege on the West Bank. They have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians and imposed curfews on a number of Palestinian communities. Jerusalem: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians to and from the city. Thousands of Palestinian civilians from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip have been denied access to the city. IOF have established many checkpoints around and inside the city. Restrictions of the movement of Palestinian civilians often escalate on Fridays to prevent them from praying at the al-Aqsa Mosque. IOF often violently beat Palestinian civilians who attempt to bypass checkpoints and enter the city. IOF impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians on Fridays to restrict their access to the al-Aqsa Mosque. Nablus: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. On Thursday, 1 November 2007, IOF troops positioned at various checkpoints around Nablus imposed additional restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. On Sunday morning, 4 November 2007, IOF troops positioned at Za’tara checkpoint, south of Nablus, imposed additional restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. On Monday morning, 5 November 2007, IOF erected a checkpoint at the northern entrance of Hawara village, south of Nablus. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles. On Tuesday morning, 6 November 2007, IOF troops positioned at Za’tara checkpoint, south of Nablus, imposed additional restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. Tulkarm: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians. On Thursday, 1 November 2007, IOF erected a checkpoint at Bal’a intersection, east of Tulkarm. They stopped and searched dozens of Palestinian civilian vehicles. On Saturday, 3 November 2007, IOF closed Wad al-Teen checkpoint, south of Tulkarm, and prevented Palestinian civilians from passing through. On Sunday, 4 November 2007, IOF erected a checkpoint at the entrance of Deir al-Ghosoun village, north of Tulkarm. They stopped and searched Palestinian civilian vehicles. Hebron: IOF have continued to impose severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians inside and around the town. On Friday and Saturday, 2 and 3 November 2007, IOF closed the Ibrahimi Mosque allegedly to allow Israeli settlers to celebrate the Jewish Sarah festival. During the reporting period, IOF troops imposed additional restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians inside the town.   Settlement Activities and Attacks by Settlers against Palestinian Civilians and Property IOF have continued settlement activities in the OPT in violation of international humanitarian law, and Israeli settlers have continued to attack Palestinian civilians and property. At approximately 16:30 on Friday, 2 November 2007, at least 100 Israeli settlers from "Kiryat Arba" and "Kharsina" settlements, southeast of Hebron, attacked 4 Palestinian houses opposite to the settlements with stones and empty bottles. The houses were damaged and their residents were extremely terrified. The settlers also attacked Ramzi 'Abdul Karim al-Ja’bari, 22. He sustained bruises throughout the body.   …………………………………………………………   Recommendations to the International Community PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention to fulfill their legal and moral obligations under Article 1 of the Convention to ensure Israel's respect for the Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  PCHR believes that the conspiracy of silence practiced by the international community has encouraged Israel to act as if it is above the law and encourages Israel continue to violate international human rights and humanitarian law. PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention to convene a conference to take effective steps to ensure Israel's respect of the Convention in the OPT and to provide immediate protection for Palestinian civilians. PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention to comply with its legal obligations detailed in Article 146 of the Convention to search for and prosecute those responsible for grave breaches, namely war crimes. PCHR calls for the immediately implementation of the Advisory Opinion issued by the International Court of Justice, which considers the construction of the Annexation Wall inside the West Bank illegal. PCHR recommends international civil society organizations, including human rights organizations, bar associations and NGOs to participate in the process of exposing those accused of grave breaches of international law and to urge their governments to bring these people to justice. PCHR calls upon the European Union to activate Article 2 of the Euro-Israel Association Agreement, which provides that Israel must respect human rights as a precondition for economic cooperation between the EU states and Israel.  PCHR further calls upon the EU states to prohibit import of goods produced in illegal Israeli settlements in the OPT. PCHR calls on the international community to recognize the Gaza disengagement plan, which was implemented last year, for what it is - not an end to occupation but a compounding of the occupation and the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip.  In recognition of ICRC as the guardian of the Fourth Geneva Convention, PCHR calls upon the ICRC to increase its staff and activities in the OPT, including the facilitation of family visitations to Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. PCHR appreciates the efforts of international civil society, including human rights organizations, bar associations, unions and NGOs, and urges them to continue their role in pressuring their governments to secure Israel's respect for human rights in the OPT and to end its attacks on Palestinian civilians. Related Groups: Free Palestine Tags: israel, palestine 0 Facebook MySpace Twitter Posted on 11/11/2007 11:36 AM Comments (0) A Quote From Dave Grohl (Foo Fighters) "There are times where I'll walk upstairs after the show, and my mom will be sitting on the couch with BILLIE JOE ARMSTRONG from GREEN DAY, drinking a pint of beer. She's totally cool!" Tags: billie joe armstrong, dave grohl, foo fighters, green day, jason white, mike dirnt, tre cool 2 Facebook MySpace Twitter Posted on 11/11/2007 11:30 AM Comments (2) November 3, 2007 RS Interview With Billie Joe Armstrong (a great interview) Billie Joe Armstrong The Green Day leader talks Bush, Britney and being a middle-aged punk for our 40th anniversary. DAVID FRICKEPosted Nov 01, 2007 8:19 AM     You have two young sons. What kind of America will they inherit? This war has to finish before something new blossoms. There's no draft — that's why none of the kids give a shit. They'd rather watch videos on YouTube. It's hard to tell what's next — there is so much information out there with no power to it. Everything is in transition, including our government. Next year, it's someone else in the White House. There's no way to define anything. It's Generation Zero. But you gotta start at zero to get to something. Is there anyone now running for president who gives you hope for the future? Barack Obama, but it's a bit early to tell if this is the guy I like. I get sick of the religious-figure thing. People don't question their rulers, these political figures, just as they don't question their ministers and priests. They're not going to question George Bush, especially if he goes around talking about God — "I'm going to let God decide this for me. He's going to give me the answer." The fear of God keeps people silent. When did you first vote in a presidential election? In 1992. I was twenty. I voted for Clinton. Did you feel like you made a difference? Yeah. The Eighties sucked. There was so much bullshit that went along with that decade. I felt like Clinton was a fresh face with fresh ideas. There were times when he was dropping bombs, and I'm thinking, "What the fuck are you doing?" But he became a target. We have this puritanical vision of what a leader is supposed to be, and that's what makes us the biggest hypocrites in the world. We got so inside this guy's sexual habits. Now we have a president going around, killing in the name of what? In the name of nothing. What did you accomplish with your 2004 anti-Bush album, "American Idiot"? He was re-elected anyway, and the war in Iraq is still going on. I found a voice. There may have been people disenfranchised by it. People have a hard time with that kind of writing: "Why are you preaching to me?" It does sound preachy, a bit. I'm a musician, and I want to say positive things. If it's about self-indulgent depression or overthrowing the government, it's gotta come from my heart. And when you say "Fuck George W. Bush" in a packed arena in Texas, that's an accomplishment, because you're saying it to the unconverted. Do you think selling nearly 6 million copies of that album might have an effect on the 2008 election? A kid who bought it at fifteen will be voting age next year. I hope so. I made it to give people a reason to think for themselves. It was supposed to be a catalyst. Maybe that's one reason why it's difficult for me to write about politics now. A lot of things on that record are still relevant. It's like we have this monarchy in politics — the passing of the baton between the Clintons and the Bushes. That's frightening. What needs to happen is a complete change, a person coming from the outside with a new perspective on all the fucked-up problems we have. How would you describe the state of pop culture? People want blood. They want to see other people thrown to the lions. Do audiences want rock stars? I can't tell. You have information coming at you from so many areas — YouTube, the Internet, tabloids. Watching Britney Spears the other night [on the MTV Video Music Awards] was like watching a public execution. How could the people at MTV, the people around her, not know this girl was fucked up? People came in expecting a train wreck, and they got more than they bargained for. She was a willing conspirator. She didn't say no. She is a manufactured child. She has come up through this Disney perspective, thinking that all life is about is to be the most ridiculous star you could be. But it's also about what we look at as entertainment — watching somebody go through that. How do you decide what your children can see on TV or the Internet? As a dad, even a punk-rock dad, that can make you conservative in your choices. I want to protect them from garbage. It's not necessarily the sex and drugs. It's bad drugs and bad sex, the violence you see on television and in the news. I want to protect them from being desensitized. I want them to realize this is real life, not a video game. The main thing I want them to have is a good education, because that's something I never had. Get smart. Educate yourself as much as you can, and get as much out of it, even if the teacher is an asshole. Do you regret dropping out of high school? Life in high school sucks. I bucked the system. I also got lucky. My wife has a degree in sociology, and there are conversations she has — I don't have a fucking clue what they're talking about. College — I could have learned from that. But I was the last of six kids. At that point, my mother was fifty-eight, and she threw up her hands — "I'm through with this parenting thing." Also, I could not handle authority figures. But I wouldn't say I'm an authority figure for my kids. I provide guidelines, not rules. What is it like being a middle-aged punk? Isn't that a contradiction in terms? It's about the energy you bring with you, the pulse inside your head. I want to get older. I don't want to be twenty-one again. Screw that. My twenties were a difficult time — where my band was at, getting married, having a child. I remember walking out of a gig in Chicago, past these screaming kids. There were these punks, real ones, sitting outside our tour bus. One girl had a forty-ouncer, and she goes, "Billie Joe, come drink with us." I said, "I can't, I've got my family on the bus." She goes, "Well, fuck you then." I get on the bus, and my wife says, "Did that bitch just tell you to fuck off? I'm gonna kick her ass right now." I'm holding her back, while my child is naked, jumping on the couch: "Hi, Daddy!" That was my whole life right there — screaming kids, punks telling me to fuck off, my wife getting pissed, my naked son waiting to get into his pajamas. There's nothing wrong with being twenty-one. It's the lessons you learn. At thirty, you think, "Why did I worry so much about this shit?" When I hit forty, I'll say the same thing: "Why did I worry about this shit in my thirties?" What have you learned about yourself? There is more to life than trying to find your way through self-destruction or throwing yourself into the fire all the time. Nihilism in punk rock can be a cliché. I need to give myself more room to breathe, to allow my thoughts to catch up with the rest of me. Before Dookie, I wasn't married and I didn't have kids. I had a guitar, a bag of clothes and a four-track recorder. There are ways you don't want to change. You don't want to lose your spark. But I need silence more than I did before. I need to get away from the static and noise, whereas before, I thrived on it. Are you ready for the end of the music business? The technology and its effect on sales have changed dramatically since Green Days' debut EP — on vinyl — in 1989. Technology now and the way people put out records — everything comes at you so fast, you don't know what you're investigating. You can't identify with it — at least I can't. With American Idiot, we made a conscious effort to give people an experience they could remember for the rest of their lives. It wasn't just the content. It was the artwork, the three acts — the way you could read it all like someone's story. Is music simply not important to young people now the way it was to you as a kid? People get addicted to garbage they don't need. At shows, they gotta talk on their phones to their friend who's in the next aisle. I was watching this documentary on Jeff Tweedy of Wilco [Sunken Treasure]. He was playing acoustic, and he ends up screaming at the audience: "Your fucking conversation can wait. I'm up here singing a song — get involved." He wasn't being an asshole. He was like, "Leave your bullshit behind. Let's celebrate what's happening now." We need music, and we need it good. I took it very seriously. There's a side of me where music will always send chills up my spine, make me cry, make me want to get up and do Pete Townshend windmills. In a lot of ways, I was in a minority when I was young. There are people who go, "Oh, that's a snappy tune." I listen to it and go, "That's the greatest fucking song ever. That is the song I want played at my funeral." Now that you've brought it up, what song do you want played at your funeral? It keeps changing. "Life on Mars?" by David Bowie. "In My Life," by the Beatles. "Love," by John Lennon. Those are all reflective ballads, not punk. I disagree. They are all honest in their reflection. The punk bands I liked were the ones who didn't fall into clichés — the Clash, the Ramones. The Ramones wrote beautiful love songs. They also invented punk rock. I'd have to add "Blitzkrieg Bop" to the list. What is the future of punk rock? Will it still be a voice of rebellion in twenty years? It's categorized in so many different ways. You've got the MySpace punks. But there is always the subculture of it — the rats in the walls, pounding the pavement and booking their own live shows. It comes down to the people who are willing to do something different from everybody else. You are in a different, platinum-album world now. What makes you so sure that spirit survives? I'm going on faith — because I was there. Gilman Street [the Berkeley, California, club where Green Day played early shows] is still around. And that's a hard task, because there is no bar — it's a nonprofit cooperative. It's like a commune — this feeling of bucking the system together, surviving and thriving on art. Punk, as an underground, pushes for the generation gap. As soon as you're twenty-five years old, there's a group of sixteen-year-olds coming to kick your ass. And you have to pass the torch on. It's a trip to have seen it happen so many times. It gives me goose bumps — punk is something that survives on its own.     You can read the interview at http://www.rollingstone.com/news/story/17162460/billie_joe_armstrong   There’s also a video interview!! YUP YUP   Peace, Tessa. Tags: billie joe armstrong, green day, jason white, mike dirnt, tre cool 1 Facebook MySpace Twitter Posted on 11/03/2007 3:27 PM Comments (2) Israelian Soldiers Exchange Photos Of Dead Palestinians IN THE MIND OF A PSYCOPATH Trading photos on their cell phones manifesting their morbid hatred and envy against Palestinians they have *murdered on the Gaza Strip, is the new hobby among Israeli Zionist state terrorists. Photo-captures of Palestinian corpses used as screen savers by the Israeli Jews is nothing new - I have heard this unbelivable true story before.The Israelis in their morbid interest in Palestinian pain and death, found a new amusement in swapping photos taken with their cellphones during their missions of murder on the Gaza Strip. One of the photos - is apparently taken by the infamous terrorist unite Israel's Golani Brigade, of Palestinian resistance fighters assassinated in the recent incursion into northern Gaza Strip.. Other gangs of Israeli predators "operating" on Palestinian territories,are among those psycopath's, collecting and exchanging such morbid pictures.Photos captured of the human beings they just murdered in cold blood - gives the perverted Israelis a sense of "finality in victory". A spokesperson of the Israeli terrorists authority, said that the Israelis considers it a top priority to "preserve the moral values"- that [soldiers]and [commanders] "were brought up with" - and that the Israeli army> [of terrorists ]would look into the "issue".SIC - I rather would have believed in all the fables of the world - than believed in this fabrication about Israeli high quality of ethics and moral. - I notice a mind so offensive, mischievous and false - lacking of honor and high status. Attempting to cover up the Israelis absence of moral and ethic standards - a vital characteristic that does not exist.High standards of moral values, is not a practice in the interaction with what the Israelis call non-Jewish,the "gentiles"goy·im's and she·getz- can not be found in the Israelis interaction with other cultures and religions, and does not embrace the Israeli society it self. *Murder: by definition, is the crime of unlawfully killing a person brutally. Mass-murder is the act of killing a large number of people by the same person, or by a large group of people.Serial Killing is the act of murdering selected victims, and continuing through a series of murders of the same type of persons,in the same brutal way.The mission-oriented type displays no insaneness to the outside world, while on the inside the killer has a need to get rid of people he detest or hate and feel he have to have a complete control over.The assassin most of the time find pleasure in killing,have no control of them selves and suffer from psychotic mental illness. Related Groups: Free Palestine Tags: israel, palestine 1 Facebook MySpace Twitter Posted on 11/03/2007 10:07 AM Comments (1)

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